City of Chicago v. Jefferson B. Sessions III
Filing
Filed opinion of the court by Judge Rovner. AFFIRMED. William J. Bauer, Circuit Judge; Daniel A. Manion, Circuit Judge, concurring in the judgment in part and dissenting in part and Ilana Diamond Rovner, Circuit Judge. [6919110-1] [6919110] [17-2991]
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In the
United States Court of Appeals
For the Seventh Circuit
____________________
No. 17‐2991
CITY OF CHICAGO,
Plaintiff‐Appellee,
v.
JEFFERSON B. SESSIONS III, Attorney
General of the United States,
Defendant‐Appellant.
____________________
Appeal from the United States District Court for the
Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division.
No. 1:17‐cv‐05720 — Harry D. Leinenweber, Judge.
____________________
ARGUED JANUARY 19, 2018 — DECIDED APRIL 19, 2018
____________________
Before BAUER, MANION, and ROVNER, Circuit Judges.
ROVNER, Circuit Judge. This appeal is from the grant of a
preliminary injunction in favor of the City of Chicago (the
“City”) and against Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, the At‐
torney General of the United States, enjoining the enforce‐
ment of two conditions imposed upon recipients of the Ed‐
ward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant Program (the
“Byrne JAG program”). See 34 U.S.C. § 10151 (formerly 42
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U.S.C. § 3750). The Byrne JAG grant, named after a fallen
New York City police officer, allocates substantial funds an‐
nually to provide for the needs of state and local law en‐
forcement, including personnel, equipment, training, and
other uses identified by those entities. The Attorney General
tied receipt of the funds to the grant recipient’s compliance
with three conditions which the City argued were unlawful
and unconstitutional. The district court agreed with the City
as to two of the three conditions—the “notice” condition
mandating advance notice to federal authorities of the re‐
lease date of persons in state or local custody who are be‐
lieved to be aliens, and the “access” condition which re‐
quired the local correctional facility to ensure agents access
to such facilities and meet with those persons. Compliance
with those conditions in order to receive the funding award‐
ed under the Byrne JAG grant would require the allocation
of state and local resources, including personnel. The district
court granted the preliminary injunction as to those two
conditions, applying it nationwide. The court subsequently
denied the Attorney General’s motion to stay the nationwide
scope of the injunction, and this court denied the stay on ap‐
peal. The Attorney General now appeals that preliminary
injunction.
Our role in this case is not to assess the optimal immigra‐
tion policies for our country; that is not before us today. Ra‐
ther, the issue before us strikes at one of the bedrock princi‐
ples of our nation, the protection of which transcends politi‐
cal party affiliation and rests at the heart of our system of
government—the separation of powers.
The founders of our country well understood that the
concentration of power threatens individual liberty and es‐
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tablished a bulwark against such tyranny by creating a sepa‐
ration of powers among the branches of government. If the
Executive Branch can determine policy, and then use the
power of the purse to mandate compliance with that policy
by the state and local governments, all without the authori‐
zation or even acquiescence of elected legislators, that check
against tyranny is forsaken. The Attorney General in this
case used the sword of federal funding to conscript state and
local authorities to aid in federal civil immigration enforce‐
ment. But the power of the purse rests with Congress, which
authorized the federal funds at issue and did not impose any
immigration enforcement conditions on the receipt of such
funds. In fact, Congress repeatedly refused to approve of
measures that would tie funding to state and local immigra‐
tion policies. Nor, as we will discuss, did Congress authorize
the Attorney General to impose such conditions. It falls to
us, the judiciary, as the remaining branch of the government,
to act as a check on such usurpation of power. We are a
country that jealously guards the separation of powers, and
we must be ever‐vigilant in that endeavor.
I.
The path to this case began in 2006, which was both the
year that the City enacted its Welcoming City ordinance, and
the year that the federal government first established the
Byrne JAG program. For many years, the two coexisted
without conflict. In the past few years, numerous pieces of
legislation were introduced in the House and Senate seeking
to condition federal funding on compliance with 8 U.S.C.
§ 1373—which was intended to address “sanctuary cities”
and prohibit federal, state or local government officials or
entities from restricting the exchange of information with the
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immigration authorities regarding citizenship or immigra‐
tion status. None of those efforts were passed by Congress.
See, e.g., Stop Dangerous Sanctuary Cities Act, H.R. 5654,
114th Cong. § 4 (2016); Stop Dangerous Sanctuary Cities Act,
S. 3100, 114th Cong. § 4 (2016); Enforce the Law for Sanctu‐
ary Cities Act, H.R. 3009, 114th Cong. § 3 (2015); Mobilizing
Against Sanctuary Cities Act, H.R. 3002, 114th Cong. § 2
(2015); Stop Sanctuary Policies and Protect Americans Act, S.
2146, 114th Cong. § 3(a) (2015); Stop Sanctuary Cities Act, S.
1814, 114th Cong. § 2 (2015) (all available at
https://www.congress.gov). see also Annie Lai & Christo‐
pher N. Lasch, Crimmigration Resistance and the Case of Sanc‐
tuary City Defunding, 57 Santa Clara L. Rev. 539, 553 n. 87
(2017) (listing eight pieces of legislation introduced during
that time, all of which were unsuccessful).
Determined to forge a different path in immigration en‐
forcement, the President on January 25, 2017 issued an Exec‐
utive Order directing the Attorney General and the Depart‐
ment of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary, in their discre‐
tion and to the extent consistent with law, to ensure that
sanctuary jurisdictions are not eligible to receive Federal
grants except as deemed necessary for law enforcement
purposes by the Attorney General or the Secretary. Exec.
Order No. 13,768, 82 Fed. Reg. 8799 at § 9(a) (Jan. 25, 2017).
That Executive Order was challenged in court and prelimi‐
narily enjoined by a district court on April 25, 2017—and
subsequently permanently enjoined. County of Santa Clara v.
Trump, 250 F. Supp. 3d 497 (N.D. Cal. 2017); County of Santa
Clara v. Trump, 275 F. Supp. 3d 1196 (N.D. Cal. 2017). Shortly
thereafter—in the face of the failure of Congress to pass such
restrictions and the issues with the legality of the Executive
Order—on July 25, 2017, the Attorney General pursued yet
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another path to that goal and issued the conditions for recip‐
ients of the Byrne JAG funds that are challenged here.
The Byrne JAG program is the primary provider of fed‐
eral criminal justice funding to state and local governments.
The funds have been used to meet a wide range of needs for
those law enforcement entities, including funding the acqui‐
sition of body cameras and police cruisers, and support for
community programs aimed at reducing violence. The City,
which challenges the new conditions imposed, had targeted
the fiscal year 2017 funds for several purposes including ex‐
pansion of the use of ShotSpotter technology to allow offic‐
ers to quickly identify the location of shooting incidents and
deploy a more precise response. Under the new provisions
imposed by the Attorney General, state and local governing
authorities who were awarded grants under the Byrne JAG
program could not receive any of the funds unless they
complied with the new conditions.
Specifically, the Attorney General imposed “notice,” “ac‐
cess,” and “compliance” conditions, on Byrne JAG grant re‐
cipients, only the first two of which are at issue in this ap‐
peal. The “notice” and “access” conditions require that for
local governments, throughout the period for the award:
A. A local ordinance, ‐rule, ‐regulation, ‐policy,
or ‐practice (or an applicable State stat‐
ute, ‐rule, ‐regulation, ‐policy, or ‐practice) must be in
place that is designed to ensure that agents of the United
States acting under color of federal law in fact are given
access [to] a local‐government (or local‐government‐
contracted) correctional facility for the purpose of per‐
mitting such agents to meet with individuals who are (or
are believed by such agents to be) aliens and to inquire as
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to such individuals’ right to be or remain in the United
States.
B. A local ordinance, ‐rule, ‐regulation, ‐policy,
or ‐practice (or an applicable State stat‐
ute, ‐rule, ‐regulation, ‐policy, or ‐practice) must be in
place that is designed to ensure that, when a local‐
government (or local‐government‐contracted) correction‐
al facility receives from DHS a formal written request au‐
thorized by the Immigration and Nationality Act that
seeks advance notice of the scheduled release date and
time for a particular alien in such facility, then such facili‐
ty will honor such request and—as early as practicable
(see ʺRules of Constructionʺ incorporated by para. 4.B. of
this condition)—provide the requested notice to DHS.
OJP Form 4000/2 (Rev. 4‐88);
https://www.bja.gov/Jag/pdfs/SampleAwardDocument‐
FY2017JAG‐Local.pdf at 19 (last visited 03‐20‐18).
It further provides that “[n]othing in this condition shall
be understood to authorize or require … any entity or indi‐
vidual to maintain (or detain) any individual in custody be‐
yond the date and time the individual would have been re‐
leased in the absence of this condition.” Id. at 18. Identical
provisions apply when the states are the grant recipients ra‐
ther than local governments. Id. Under the notice condition,
grant recipients were initially required to provide 48 hours’
advance notice to the DHS as to the scheduled release date
and time of any individuals in the jurisdiction’s custody
suspected of immigration violations. When the City sued
and sought a preliminary injunction, it argued in part that
the requirement was impossible to implement in Chicago
which operated only temporary lock‐up facilities and held
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the vast majority of persons for less than 24 hours, and that
holding them for a longer period in order to comply would
violate the Fourth Amendment of the United States Consti‐
tution. The Attorney General subsequently modified the no‐
tice condition, requiring that advance notice be provided as
early as practicable. The access condition required the local
authorities to provide immigration agents with access to the
local detention facilities and to the individuals detained
there to question such individuals.
Those conditions were inconsistent with the provisions in
the Welcoming City Ordinance, and the City challenged the
imposition of those conditions by the Attorney General. The
Welcoming City Ordinance reflects the City’s determination
that, as a City in which one out of five of its residents is an
immigrant, “the cooperation of all persons, both document‐
ed citizens and those without documentation status, is essen‐
tial to achieve the City’s goals of protecting life and proper‐
ty, preventing crime and resolving problems.” Chicago Mu‐
nicipal Code, Welcoming City Ordinance, § 2‐173‐005 “Pur‐
pose and Intent.” The City recognized that the maintenance
of public order and safety required the cooperation of wit‐
nesses and victims, whether documented or not, and the co‐
operation of Chicago’s immigrant communities. Id. Finally,
the City concluded that immigrant community members,
whether or not documented, should be treated with respect
and dignity by all City employees. Id. Toward that end, the
City set forth some standards for the treatment of persons
within its jurisdiction, which included prohibitions on re‐
questing or disclosing information as to immigration status,
and on detaining persons based on a belief as to that status
or based on immigration detainers when such immigration
detainer is based solely on a violation of civil immigration
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law. Id. at § 2‐173‐020, ‐030, ‐042. It also provides in § 2‐173‐
042 that unless acting pursuant to law enforcement purposes
unrelated to the enforcement of civil immigration law, no
agency or agent shall permit Immigrations and Customs En‐
forcement (ICE) agents access to a person being detained or
permit the use of agency facilities for investigative inter‐
views, nor can an agency or agent while on duty expend
time responding to ICE inquiries or communicating with
ICE as to a person’s custody status or release date. The Or‐
dinance explicitly clarifies that those provisions in § 2‐173‐
042 do not apply when the subject of the investigation “has
an outstanding criminal warrant, … has been convicted of a
felony, … is a defendant … where … a felony charge is
pending, … or has been identified as a known gang member
either in a law enforcement agency’s database or by his or
her own admission.” Id. at § 2‐173‐042(c).
The City therefore could not comply, consistent with its
Ordinance, with the conditions imposed by the Attorney
General on those seeking funds under the Byrne JAG pro‐
gram, and filed this suit alleging that the conditions were
unlawful under the statute and unconstitutional as a viola‐
tion of separation of powers principles. In a thorough and
well‐reasoned opinion, Judge Leinenweber in the district
court granted the City’s motion for a preliminary injunction
as to the notice and access conditions, but denied it as to the
compliance condition which is not challenged in this appeal
and of which we express no opinion. The district court noted
that nothing in the Byrne JAG statute granted express au‐
thority to the Attorney General to impose the notice and ac‐
cess conditions, and rejected the Attorney General’s claim
that a provision in a different subsection, 34 U.S.C. § 10102,
could be interpreted to allow such authority. The court fur‐
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ther concluded that a nationwide preliminary injunction was
required to provide full relief in this case.
II.
Underlying this case are the sometimes‐clashing interests
between those of the federal government in enforcing its
laws and those of the state or local government in policing
and protecting its communities. Here, the federal executive
branch, in the person of the Attorney General, has concluded
that its interests will be best served by harnessing the local
authorities to identify and to make accessible persons in
their custody who are potentially in the country unlawfully,
so as to facilitate efficient civil immigration enforcement.
State and local law enforcement authorities, however, are
concerned with maximizing the safety and security of their
own communities. For some communities, those goals might
be maximized by cooperating with the federal immigration
authorities and assisting them in identifying and seizing un‐
documented individuals in their communities.
Other communities, such as the City in this case, howev‐
er, have determined that their local law enforcement efforts
are handcuffed by such unbounded cooperation with immi‐
gration enforcement. They have concluded that persons who
are here unlawfully—or who have friends or family mem‐
bers here unlawfully—might avoid contacting local police to
report crimes as a witness or a victim if they fear that report‐
ing will bring the scrutiny of the federal immigration author‐
ities to their home.1 In the case of domestic violence or
1 That fear of the reach of immigration authorities would not be un‐
founded. According to the Fiscal Year 2017 ICE Enforcement and Re‐
moval Operations Report, approximately 11% of the arrested alien popu‐
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crimes of that nature, the reluctance to report that is endemic
to such offenses could be magnified in communities where
reporting could turn a misdemeanor into a deportation. And
the failure to obtain that victim and witness cooperation
could both hinder law enforcement efforts and allow crimi‐
nals to freely target communities with a large undocument‐
ed population, knowing that their crimes will be less likely
to be reported. Those competing interests, between the At‐
torney General in pursuing civil immigration compliance
and the state and local law enforcement authorities in ensur‐
ing the safety and security of their communities, are placed
into direct conflict because the Attorney General in requiring
these conditions forces the states and localities to devote re‐
sources to achieving the federal immigration goals or forfeit
the funds. State and local law enforcement authorities are
thus placed in the unwinnable position of either losing
needed funding for law enforcement, or forgoing the rela‐
tionships with the immigrant communities that they deem
necessary for efficient law enforcement
Although the City uses the term Welcoming City in its
ordinance, localities which have concluded that cooperation
in federal civil immigration efforts is counterproductive or
simply offensive are often labeled “sanctuary” cities or
states, but that term is commonly misunderstood. The term
lation had no known criminal convictions or charges, reflecting ICE’s
avowed goal of expanding its efforts “to address all illegal aliens encoun‐
tered in the course of its operations.” https://www.ice.gov/sites/de‐
fault/files/documents/Report/2017/iceEndOfYearFY2017.pdf at 3‐4 (last
visited 03‐20‐2018). Of those with criminal convictions, 25% were convic‐
tions for immigration violations or non‐DUI traffic offenses. Id. at 4 Table
2.
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signifies a place of refuge or protection, see e.g Merriam‐
Webster Dictionary, https://www.merriam‐webster.com/
dictionary/sanctuary, and is used for example to describe a
house of worship, into which, if a person flees, law enforce‐
ment authorities commonly will not enter to forcibly remove
the person. That definition has no correlation to the so‐called
sanctuary cities at issue here. The City, like other “welcom‐
ing” or “sanctuary” cities or states, does not interfere in any
way with the federal government’s lawful pursuit of its civil
immigration activities, and presence in such localities will
not immunize anyone to the reach of the federal govern‐
ment. Accord City of Philadelphia v. Sessions, 280 F. Supp. 3d
579, 591, 602 (E.D. Pa. 2017). The federal government can
and does freely operate in “sanctuary” localities.
And the level of refuge provided by sanctuary cities is
not unbounded. For instance, the City cooperates with im‐
migration enforcement authorities for persons who pose a
threat to public safety, exempting from the Ordinance inves‐
tigations involving persons for whom there is an outstand‐
ing criminal (as opposed to civil) warrant, persons convicted
of or charged with a felony, or persons who are known gang
members. Thus, for the persons most likely to present a
threat to the community, City law enforcement authorities
will cooperate with ICE officials even in “sanctuary” cities.
The decision to coordinate in such circumstances, and to re‐
fuse such coordination where the threat posed by the indi‐
vidual is lesser, reflects the decision by the state and local
authorities as how best to further the law enforcement objec‐
tives of their communities with the resources at their dispos‐
al.
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Moreover, as to the persons who have proven to be a
threat to society such as those in longer‐term incarceration,
other programs already in place would alert ICE to potential
immigration issues. For instance, the “Secure Communities”
program was first instituted in 2008 and reactivated in 2017
in order to carry out ICE’s enforcement priorities regarding
persons in the custody of another law enforcement agency.
See Official Website of DHS, https://www.ice.gov/secure‐
communities at 1. Local law enforcement agencies as a mat‐
ter of routine submit fingerprints of individuals in their cus‐
tody to the FBI for criminal background checks and, under
Secure Communities, the FBI automatically forwards that
information to the DHS to check the prints against its immi‐
gration databases. Id.; City of Philadelphia, 280 F. Supp. 3d at
633. According to the DHS, “ICE completed full implemen‐
tation of Secure Communities to all 3,181 jurisdictions within
50 states, the District of Columbia, and five U.S. territories
on January 23, 2013.” See Official Website of DHS,
https://www.ice.gov/secure‐communities at 1. With that abil‐
ity to identify undocumented individuals, at least as to those
serving prison sentences for whom the pressure of time and
the possibility of a quick release are not issues, ICE could
procure a judicial warrant and obtain a transfer of custody.
III.
To establish its entitlement to preliminary relief, the City
must demonstrate that “(1) without such relief, [it] will suf‐
fer irreparable harm before [its] claim is finally resolved; (2)
[it] has no adequate remedy at law; and (3) [it] has some
likelihood of success on the merits.” Harlan v. Scholz, 866
F.3d 754, 758 (7th Cir. 2017). If that burden is met, the court
must weigh the harm that the plaintiff will suffer absent an
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injunction against the harm to the defendant from an injunc‐
tion, and consider whether an injunction is in the public in‐
terest. Id.; Higher Soc’y of Indiana v. Tippecanoe Cty., Indiana,
858 F.3d 1113, 1116 (7th Cir. 2017). The district court
weighed all of those factors and granted the preliminary in‐
junction as to the notice and access conditions, denying it as
to the compliance condition. On this appeal from the grant
of the preliminary injunction as to those two conditions, we
ask only whether the district court abused its discretion. Har‐
lan, 866 F.3d at 758. In the absence of any clear error of fact
or law, we accord great deference to the district court’s
weighing of the relevant factors. Ty, Inc. v. Jones Grp., Inc.,
237 F.3d 891, 896 (7th Cir. 2001).
With respect to the preliminary injunction factors, the At‐
torney General challenges only the district court’s conclusion
as to the likelihood of success on the merits, and the scope of
the preliminary injunction. The district court held that the
Attorney General lacked the statutory authority to impose
the notice and access conditions, and consequently the ef‐
forts to impose them violated the separation of powers doc‐
trine and were ultra vires. Dist. Ct. at 19.
In considering on appeal the likelihood of success on the
merits, it is necessary to focus narrowly on the dispositive
question and to avoid the invitation of the parties to weigh
in on broader policy considerations. For instance, the Attor‐
ney General repeatedly characterizes the issue as whether
localities can be allowed to thwart federal law enforcement.
That is a red herring. First, nothing in this case involves any
affirmative interference with federal law enforcement at all,
nor is there any interference whatsoever with federal immi‐
gration authorities. The only conduct at issue here is the re‐
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fusal of the local law enforcement to aid in civil immigration
enforcement through informing the federal authorities when
persons are in their custody and providing access to those
persons at the local law enforcement facility. Some localities
might choose to cooperate with federal immigration efforts,
and others may see such cooperation as impeding the com‐
munity relationships necessary to identify and solve crimes.
The choice as to how to devote law enforcement resources—
including whether or not to use such resources to aid in fed‐
eral immigration efforts—would traditionally be one left to
state and local authorities. Whether the conscription of local
and state law enforcement for federal immigration enforce‐
ment through the sword of withholding federal funds pre‐
sents other Constitutional concerns is not before us. See gen‐
erally Nat. Federation of Indep. Bus. v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519,
580 (2012) (noting, for example, that the Constitution may be
implicated where “’the financial inducement offered by
Congress’ was ‘so coercive as to pass the point at which
pressure turns into compulsion’”); Printz v. United States, 521
U.S. 898 (1997); South Dakota v. Dole, 483 U.S. 203 (1987). This
appeal turns on the more fundamental question of whether
the Attorney General possessed the authority to impose the
conditions at all.
The Attorney General also complains that “[n]othing in
the statute supports the counterintuitive conclusion that ap‐
plicants can insist on their entitlement to federal law en‐
forcement grants even as they refuse to provide the most
basic cooperation in immigration enforcement, which the
Attorney General has identified as a federal priority.” Ap‐
pellant’s Brief at 17. In fact, throughout the briefs in this case,
the Attorney General is incredulous that localities receiving
federal funds can complain about conditions attached to the
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distribution of those funds. But that repeated mantra evinces
a disturbing disregard for the separation of powers. The
power of the purse does not belong to the Executive Branch.
It rests in the Legislative Branch. Congress may, of course,
delegate such authority to the Executive Branch, and indeed
the case today turns on whether it did so here, but the Exec‐
utive Branch does not otherwise have the inherent authority
as to the grant at issue here to condition the payment of such
federal funds on adherence to its political priorities.
In fact, the Attorney General otherwise acknowledges
that limitation when addressing the legal issues here. The
Attorney General does not claim to possess inherent execu‐
tive authority to impose the grant conditions, and instead
recognizes that the authority must originate from Congress.
We turn, then, to that core issue in the Attorney General’s
challenge to the preliminary injunction—whether Congress
granted to the Assistant Attorney General the unbounded
authority to impose his or her own conditions on the release
of the Byrne JAG funds. The Byrne JAG statute itself grants
the Attorney General explicit authority to carry out specific
actions under the Act in 34 U.S.C. §§ 10152–10158, including:
to make grants “in accordance with the formula established
under section 10156,” § 10152(a)(1); to develop a program
assessment component in coordination with the National
Institute of Justice, and to waive that requirement if the pro‐
gram is not of sufficient size to justify it, § 10152(c); to certify
that extraordinary and exigent circumstances exist that
would allow the use of the funds for purposes that fall with‐
in the prohibited use categories, § 10152(d)(2); to grant re‐
newals and extensions beyond the four year period,
§ 10152(f); to determine the form of the application and the
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certification, § 10153(a); to provide technical assistance to
states and local governments, § 10153(b); to approve or dis‐
approve applications after affording the applicant reasona‐
ble notice of deficiencies and the opportunity for correction
and reconsideration, § 10154; to issue rules to carry out this
part, § 10155; to allocate funds pursuant to the statutory
formula, § 10156; to certify that a unit of local government
bears disparate costs as defined in the statute to allow for
disparate allocations under that formula, § 10156(d)(4); to
reallocate funds not used by the state, § 10156(f); to reserve
not more than $20,000,000 for use by the National Institute of
Justice and for antiterrorism programs, § 10157(a); to reserve
not more than 5 percent, to be granted to 1 or more states or
local governmental units, to address precipitous or extraor‐
dinary increases in crime or in types of crimes, or to mitigate
significant programmatic harm resulting from the operation
of the formula for allocating funds, § 10157(b); and to reduce
the amounts paid if a state or local unit of government fails
to expend the funds within the grant period and fails to re‐
pay it, § 10158. None of those provisions grant the Attorney
General the authority to impose conditions that require
states or local governments to assist in immigration en‐
forcement, nor to deny funds to states or local governments
for the failure to comply with those conditions. The Attorney
General does not argue otherwise; he does not argue that
any provision in the Byrne JAG statute authorizes the impo‐
sition of the conditions.
Instead, in his appeal, the Attorney General places all his
purported authorization in one statutory basket, pointing to
34 U.S.C. § 10102(a)(6) as authorizing the Assistant Attorney
General to impose these—and indeed any—conditions on
grant recipients. Section 10102 sets forth the duties and func‐
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tions of the Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Jus‐
tice Programs and provides:
§ 10102. Duties and functions of Assistant Attorney Gen‐
eral
(a) Specific, general and delegated powers
The Assistant Attorney General shall—
(1) publish and disseminate information on the condi‐
tions and progress of the criminal justice systems;
(2) maintain liaison with the executive and judicial
branches of the Federal and State governments in matters
relating to criminal justice;
(3) provide information to the President, the Congress,
the judiciary, State and local governments, and the gen‐
eral public relating to criminal justice;
(4) maintain liaison with public and private educational
and research institutions, State and local governments,
and governments of other nations relating to criminal
justice;
(5) coordinate and provide staff support to coordinate the
activities of the Office and the Bureau of Justice Assis‐
tance, the National Institute of Justice, the Bureau of Jus‐
tice Statistics, the Office for Victims of Crime, and the Of‐
fice of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention; and
(6) exercise such other powers and functions as may be
vested in the Assistant Attorney General pursuant to this
chapter or by delegation of the Attorney General, includ‐
ing placing special conditions on all grants, and deter‐
mining priority purposes for formula grants.
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34 U.S.C.A. § 10102 [emphasis added]. The Attorney General
contends that the bolded language constitutes a grant of au‐
thority to the Assistant Attorney General to impose any
conditions he or she sees fit, and applies to the Byrne JAG
grants as well even though the grants are in a different sub‐
chapter.
It is well‐established that the plain language of a statute
is “the best indicator of Congress’s intent,” and that
“’[a]bsent a clearly expressed legislative intention to the con‐
trary, that language must ordinarily be regarded as conclu‐
sive.’” Fed. Nat’l Mortg. Ass’n. v. City of Chicago, 874 F.3d 959,
962 (7th Cir. 2017), quoting Lewis v. Epic Sys. Corp., 823 F.3d
1147, 1152 (7th Cir. 2016); Puerto Rico v. Franklin California
Tax‐Free Trust, 136 S. Ct. 1938, 1946 (2016). The Attorney
General’s interpretation is contrary to the plain meaning of
the statutory language. The word “including” by definition
is used to designate that a person or thing is part of a partic‐
ular group. See e.g. Oxford English Dictionary, Third Ed.,
Sept. 2016, www.oed.com (defining “including” as “[u]sed
to indicate that the specified person or thing is part of the
whole group or category being considered: with the inclu‐
sion of”) (last visited 03‐12‐18.) In this section, its plain
meaning is to set forth a subcategory of the types of powers
and functions that the Assistant Attorney General may exer‐
cise when vested in the Assistant Attorney General either by
the terms of this chapter or by delegation of the Attorney
General.
The inescapable problem here is that the Attorney Gen‐
eral does not even claim that the power exercised here is au‐
thorized anywhere in the chapter, nor that the Attorney
General possesses that authority and therefore can delegate
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it to the Assistant Attorney General. In fact, as set forth
above, the Byrne JAG provisions set forth the duties of the
Attorney General and do not provide any open‐ended au‐
thority to impose additional conditions. See 34 U.S.C.
§§ 10152–10157. Therefore, the Attorney General’s argument
is that the “including” clause itself is a stand‐alone grant of
authority to the Assistant Attorney General to attach any
conditions to any grants in that subchapter or other sub‐
chapters even though that authority is not otherwise provid‐
ed in the chapter and is not possessed by the Attorney Gen‐
eral. Because that interpretation is so obviously belied by the
plain meaning of the word ”including,” the Attorney Gen‐
eral’s position is untenable.2
That alone is sufficient to end the inquiry and affirm the
determination of a likelihood of success on the merits. But
we note that our plain reading of the statute is also con‐
sistent with the structure of § 10102 and of the Byrne JAG
statute.
First, § 10102(a)(6) would be an unlikely place for Con‐
gress to place a power as broad as the one the Attorney Gen‐
eral asserts. The preceding “powers” in the list,
§§ 10102(a)(1)–(5), address the communication and coordina‐
tion duties of the Assistant Attorney General. The sixth pro‐
vision, § 10102(a)(6), is a catch‐all provision, simply recog‐
2 The Attorney General’s argument might fail for an additional rea‐
son, that the term “special conditions” is a term of art referring to condi‐
tions for high‐risk grantees with difficulty adhering to grant require‐
ments, and cannot be read as an unbounded authority to impose “any”
conditions generally. See City of Philadelphia, 280 F. Supp. 3d at 617. In
light of our analysis of the clause as a whole, we need not address that
argument.
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nizing that the Assistant Attorney General can also exercise
such other powers and functions as may be vested through
other sources—either in that Chapter or by delegation from
the Attorney General. The “including” phrase is tacked on to
that. A clause in a catch‐all provision at the end of a list of
explicit powers would be an odd place indeed to put a
sweeping power to impose any conditions on any grants—a
power much more significant than all of the duties and
powers that precede it in the listing, and a power granted to
the Assistant Attorney General that was not granted to the
Attorney General. The structure of § 10102 therefore is con‐
sistent with the plain language interpretation—that the “in‐
cluding” clause merely exemplified the type of other powers
that the Assistant Attorney General may possess by delega‐
tion elsewhere.
Moreover, an interpretation such as is argued by the At‐
torney General, that would allow the Assistant Attorney
General to impose any conditions on the grants at will, is in‐
consistent with the goal of the statute to support the needs of
law enforcement while providing flexibility to state and local
governments. And the notion of the broad grant of authority
to impose any conditions on grant recipients is at odds with
the nature of the Byrne JAG grant, which is a formula grant
rather than a discretionary grant. As a formula grant, it is
structured so that the funds are allocated based on a careful‐
ly defined calculation which determines a minimum base
allocation which can be enhanced based on the state’s share
of the national population and the state’s share of the coun‐
try’s violent crime statistics. Once calculated, 60 percent of
the state’s allocation is awarded to the state and 40 percent
to the eligible local government units. See 34 U.S.C. § 10156;
Edward Byrne Memorial Justice Assistance Grant (JAG)
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Program Fact Sheet, https://www.bja.gov/programs/JAG‐
Fact‐Sheet.pdf (last visited 03‐07‐18). The Attorney General
is authorized under the statute to make grants “in accord‐
ance with the formula established under section 10156.” 34
U.S.C. § 10152(a). If Congress sought to provide an agency
the ability to exercise its judgment in the selection of the
grantees, it would have made sense for it to do so by em‐
ploying the discretionary grant model rather than the formu‐
la grant structure used here. Located in a different subpart of
the same statute, the provision for discretionary grants im‐
bues the Director (who reports to the Assistant Attorney
General) with the authority to award funds on terms and
conditions that the Director determines to be consistent with
that subpart. See 34 U.S.C. § 10142.
The ability of the Attorney General to depart from the
distribution mandated by the formula is strictly circum‐
scribed. For instance, of the total amount available in a given
fiscal year, the Attorney General is authorized to reserve
“not more than 5 percent, to be granted to 1 or more States
or units of local government” for one or more of the allowed
statutory purposes, “pursuant to his determination that the
same is necessary (1) to combat, address, or otherwise re‐
spond to precipitous or extraordinary increases in crime, or
in a type or types of crime; or (2) to prevent, compensate for,
or mitigate significant programmatic harm resulting from
operation of the formula … .” 34 U.S.C. § 10157(b). Moreo‐
ver, the Attorney General is authorized by other statutes to
reduce the funding in certain circumstances, but even then
the amount of the reduction is set by statute. For example,
the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act mandates
a 10 percent reduction in JAG funding if a state fails to sub‐
stantially implement its provisions. 34 U.S.C. § 20927(a).
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And the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 stipulates that
a state that does not certify full compliance with its national
standards can forfeit 5 percent of JAG funds unless it certi‐
fies that no less than 5 percent of such funds will be used
solely to achieve compliance. 34 U.S.C. § 30307(e)(2)(A).
Therefore, the statute precisely describes the formula
through which funds should be distributed to states and lo‐
cal governments, and imposes precise limits on the extent to
which the Attorney General can deviate from that distribu‐
tion. Against that backdrop, it is inconceivable that Congress
would have anticipated that the Assistant Attorney General
could abrogate the entire distribution scheme and deny all
funds to states and localities that would qualify under the
Byrne JAG statutory provisions, based on the Assistant At‐
torney General’s decision to impose his or her own condi‐
tions—the putative authority for which is provided in a dif‐
ferent statute. Indeed, the statute which purportedly grants
that power to the Assistant Attorney General was passed in
the same Omnibus Act as the Byrne JAG statute, yet nothing
in the Byrne JAG statute cross‐references that alleged au‐
thority or even hints that the tightly‐circumscribed structure
of the Byrne JAG grants can be upended by some unbound‐
ed authority in § 10102 of the Assistant Attorney General to
impose new conditions.
Finally, Congress knew how to grant such authority, and
explicitly did so in another statute within the same Act that
added the “including” language. See generally Violence
Against Women and Department of Justice Reauthorization
Act of 2005, H.R. 3402, Pub. L. No. 109‐162, 119 Stat. 2960
(2006). The Violence Against Women Act provided that “[i]n
disbursing grants under this subchapter, the Attorney Gen‐
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eral may impose reasonable conditions on grant awards to
ensure that the States meet statutory, regulatory, and other
program requirements.” 34 U.S.C. § 10446(e)(3). In contrast,
as set forth above, the Byrne JAG statute provides the Attor‐
ney General authority over a carefully delineated list of ac‐
tions, with no such broad authority to impose reasonable
conditions. If Congress had wanted to vest such authority in
the Attorney General regarding the Byrne JAG grant, one
would expect it to include explicit language in the grant
statute itself, as it did in the Violence Against Women Act.
The Attorney General’s argument that such sweeping au‐
thority over the major source of funding for law enforcement
agencies nationwide was provided to the Assistant Attorney
General by merely adding a clause to a sentence in a list of
otherwise‐ministerial powers defies reason. The authority to
impose any conditions desired to the Byrne JAG grant—and
by the Attorney General’s reasoning to all other grants un‐
der the Assistant Attorney General’s domain—is a tremen‐
dous power of widespread impact, and is not the type of au‐
thority that would be hidden in a clause without any expla‐
nation, and without any reference or acknowledgment of
that authority in the statute that actually contains the grant
itself. See e.g. Gonzales v. Oregon, 546 U.S. 243, 262 (2006) (re‐
jecting the Attorney General’s argument that the power to
deregister a physician in the public interest included the
power to criminalize the actions of registered physicians
when they engage in conduct he deems illegitimate, and
holding that “[i]t would be anomalous for Congress to have
so painstakingly described the Attorney General’s limited
authority to deregister a single physician or schedule a sin‐
gle drug, but to have given him, just by implication, authori‐
ty to declare an entire class of activity outside ‘the course of
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professional practice,’ and therefore a criminal violation”);
Utility Air Regulatory Group v. E.P.A., 134 S. Ct. 2427, 2444
(2014) (noting that the Court would expect Congress to
speak clearly if it wished “to assign to an agency decisions of
vast ‘economic and political significance.’”), quoting Food &
Drug Admin. v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 529 U.S.
120, 160 (2000); Pennhurst State Sch. & Hosp. v. Halderman, 451
U.S. 1, 17 (1981) (“if Congress intends to impose a condition
on the grant of federal moneys, it must do so unambiguous‐
ly.”) As the Supreme Court has repeatedly held, “’Congress
… does not alter the fundamental details of a regulatory
scheme in vague terms or ancillary provisions—it does not,
one might say, hide elephants in mouseholes.’” Gonzales, 546
U.S. at 267, quoting Whitman v. American Trucking Assns.,
Inc., 531 U.S. 457, 468 (2001).
Accordingly, the district court did not err in determining
that the City established a likelihood of success on the merits
of its contention that the Attorney General lacked the au‐
thority to impose the notice and access conditions on receipt
of the Byrne JAG grants. The Attorney General raises no
challenge to the district court’s application of other prelimi‐
nary injunction factors, and therefore, the district court
properly determined that preliminary relief was warranted.
IV.
The Attorney General additionally challenges the scope
of the preliminary injunction, arguing that the district court
erred in granting nationwide relief, rather than more nar‐
rowly limiting the geographic scope of the injunction to the
City of Chicago. We are cognizant of the possible hazards of
the use of nationwide injunctions, as was the district court in
this case. Commentators have cautioned that the use of na‐
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tionwide injunctions can stymie the development of the legal
issues through the court system as a whole. See e.g. Samuel
L. Bray, Multiple Chancellors: Reforming the National Injunc‐
tion, 131 Harvard L. Rev. 417 (2017); Zayn Siddique, Nation‐
wide Injunctions, 117 Colum. L. Rev. 2095 (2017); but see Spen‐
cer E. Amdur and David Hausman, Nationwide Injunctions
and Nationwide Harm, 131 Harvard L. Rev. F. 49 (2017) When
relief is limited in geographic scope, multiple cases may be
filed in numerous jurisdictions, and the reviewing courts
may therefore gain a wider range of perspectives and the
opportunity to explore the impact of those legal issues in
other factual contexts. That process may be truncated, how‐
ever, if a district court issues a nationwide injunction.
Moreover, where nationwide injunctions are possible,
courts must be cognizant of the potential for forum shop‐
ping by plaintiffs. Commentators have documented this
phenomenon over the past decades, which transcends ad‐
ministrations and political parties. For instance, under the
Obama administration, such injunctions stymied many of
the President’s policies, with five nationwide injunctions is‐
sued by Texas district courts in just over a year. See Bray,
Multiple Chancellors, 131 Harvard L. Rev. at 458–59 and cases
cited therein. At that time, then‐Senator and now‐Attorney
General Sessions characterized the upholding of one such
nationwide preliminary injunction as “a victory for the
American people and for the rule of law.” Press Release, Sen.
Jeff Sessions III, June 23, 2016. Now, many who advocated
for broad injunctions in those Obama‐era cases are opposing
them.
In fact, support for or opposition to nationwide injunc‐
tions would likely vary with the nature of the controversial
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issue at stake and the identity of the persons in power. For
example, if a different Administration concluded that certain
weapons were a threat to public safety, and conditioned re‐
ceipt of Byrne JAG funds on a state or locality adopting a
policy banning assault weapons, it is quite likely that the
sides would reverse once again as to the need for and ap‐
propriateness of nationwide injunctions. Although the pur‐
suit of nationwide injunctions may be influenced by shifting
political motivations, that neither means that nationwide in‐
junctions themselves are inherently evil, nor that such in‐
junctions should never be issued. Instead, courts in deter‐
mining the proper scope of injunctive relief, must be cogni‐
zant of the potential for such injunctions to have a profound
impact on national policy.
In light of those concerns with limiting the input of other
courts and with forum shopping, nationwide injunctions
should be utilized only in rare circumstances. That said, na‐
tionwide injunctions nevertheless play an important and
proper role in some circumstances. Certainly, for issues of
widespread national impact, a nationwide injunction can be
beneficial in terms of efficiency and certainty in the law, and
more importantly, in the avoidance of irreparable harm and
in furtherance of the public interest.
In fact, the Supreme Court in Trump v. Intern. Refugee As‐
sistance Project, 137 S. Ct. 2080 (2017), recently denied in part
a request for a stay of a nationwide injunction in a challenge
to an Executive Order that suspended entry of foreign na‐
tionals from seven countries. The Court recognized that
“[c]rafting a preliminary injunction is an exercise of discre‐
tion and judgment, often dependent as much on the equities
of a given case as the substance of the legal issues it pre‐
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sents.” Id. at 2087. The Court refused to stay the nationwide
injunction as to enforcement against foreign nationals who
have a credible claim of a bona fide relationship with per‐
sons or entities in the United States. Id. at 2088. The district
court in fashioning that preliminary injunction, and in
weighing the equities, had focused on the concrete burdens
that would fall on the particular named individuals in the
case who sought injunctive relief, and reasoned that the
hardships were sufficiently weighty and immediate to out‐
weigh the Government’s interest. Id. at 2087. The court then
approved injunctions that covered not merely those individ‐
uals, but parties similarly situated to them nationwide, and
the Supreme Court determined that the injunction should
remain in place even as to those similarly‐situated persons.
Id. 2088.
The dissent in Trump raised the same objections that the
Attorney General asserts in this case, but those arguments
did not carry the day in Trump and should not do so here
either. The Trump dissenters argued that it could have been
reasonable for the Court to have left the injunctions in place
as to the individuals who sought relief in the case, but that it
was improper to allow the injunction to remain as to an “un‐
identified, unnamed group of foreign nationals abroad.” Id.
at 2090. The dissenters complained that no class had been
certified, and the parties had not asked for the scope of relief
provided. Id. Concluding that injunctive relief should be
“’no more burdensome to the defendant than necessary to
provide complete relief to the plaintiffs ‘ in the case,” the dis‐
senters disagreed with the determination to allow the injunc‐
tion to remain in place beyond those individual plaintiffs.
Id., quoting Califano v. Yamasaki, 442 U.S. 682, 702 (1979). The
Attorney General in this case also argues that injunctive re‐
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lief should not extend beyond that necessary to provide
complete relief to the particular plaintiff—here, the City—
but as Trump demonstrates, that limitation will not neces‐
sarily be proper where the balance of equities and the nature
of the claims require broader relief. See also Decker v.
O’Donnell, 661 F.2d 598, 618 (7th Cir. 1980) (upholding a na‐
tionwide injunction even though factfinding focused on
Milwaukee County, because the case had evolved to chal‐
lenging the facial constitutionality with the evidence regard‐
ing Milwaukee County merely discussed as illustration).
The district court in this case was aware of all of the con‐
cerns identified above, and in fact on its own identified and
considered the articles by the commentators detailing the
history of the nationwide injunction and the concerns with
the use of it as a remedy. The court nevertheless held that
the “equitable balance” necessitated such a remedy in this
case. On appeal, we review the district court’s determination
as to the scope of the injunction only for an abuse of discre‐
tion. Harlan, 866 F.3d at 758.
The Attorney General raises three challenges to the na‐
tionwide injunction. First, the Attorney General argues that
the City must seek standing as to each form of relief sought,
and that it lacks standing to seek relief that benefits third
parties. That argument is a non‐starter. The City had stand‐
ing to seek injunctive relief, and the district court had the au‐
thority to fashion the terms of that injunction as it deter‐
mined necessary for the public interest in light of its deter‐
mination that the City was likely to succeed on its claim that
the actions violated the constitutional principles of separa‐
tion of powers. United States v. Oakland Cannabis Buyersʹ Co‐
op., 532 U.S. 483, 496 (2001); Zamecnik v. Indian Prairie Sch.
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Dist. No. 204, 636 F.3d 874, 879 (7th Cir. 2011) (“’When the
court believes the underlying right to be highly significant, it
may write injunctive relief as broad as the right itself.’”)
quoting 1 Dan B. Dobbs, Law of Remedies § 2.4(6), p. 113 (2d
ed.1993). Courts, including the Supreme Court recently in
Trump as discussed above, have not found a lack of jurisdic‐
tion solely because a nationwide injunction was imposed in
the absence of a class action.
The Attorney General maintains that even apart from Ar‐
ticle III concerns, equitable principles require that the injunc‐
tion be no more burdensome than necessary to provide
complete relief to the City, and that the nationwide injunc‐
tion exceeds that limit. Along a similar vein, the Attorney
General also argues that the district court erred in conflating
the scope of Chicago’s legal argument with the scope of re‐
lief necessary to remedy the alleged injury, and that the City
as an individual plaintiff should not obtain the equivalent of
class‐wide relief.
Those arguments would seek a bright‐line rule that is
both inconsistent with precedent and inadvisable. Essential‐
ly, the Attorney General’s approach would limit nationwide
injunctions to class actions, but that is inconsistent with
Trump and the myriad cases preceding it in which courts
have imposed nationwide injunctions in individual actions.
Nor should the district court be so handcuffed in deter‐
mining the scope of relief that is proper. Certainly, the abil‐
ity to impose a nationwide injunction is a powerful remedy
that should be employed with discretion. Regardless, there
are checks in the system to lessen the potential for any mis‐
use of nationwide injunctions by the court. First, the appel‐
late process itself operates to minimize the potential for er‐
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roneous or overbroad injunctions. In fairly short order, the
appellate process can ensure that multiple judges review the
determination, thus acting as a check on the possibility of a
judge overly‐willing to issue nationwide injunctions. And of
course, nationwide injunctions, because of the widespread
impact, are also more likely to get the attention of the Su‐
preme Court.
Moreover, that focus on the potential shortcomings of na‐
tionwide injunctions, though proper, fails to recognize the
need for such relief where the balance of equities weighs
strongly in favor of such relief. Courts must be able to de‐
termine whether an action implicates the Constitution, and
once a court determines that preliminary relief is required,
the court must be able to engage in the “equitable balancing”
to determine the relief necessary. Rarely, that will include
nationwide injunctions. Granted, it is an imprecise process,
but that is endemic to injunctions, and courts are capable of
weighing the appropriate factors while remaining cognizant
of the hazards of forum shopping and duplicative lawsuits.
The case before us presents an example of the type of
case in which a district court should properly be able to ap‐
ply an injunction nationwide. The case presents essentially a
facial challenge to a policy applied nationwide, the balance
of equities favors nationwide relief, and the format of the
Byrne JAG grant itself renders individual relief ineffective to
provide full relief.
First, the challenge here presents purely a narrow issue
of law; it is not fact‐dependent and will not vary from one
locality to another. The plaintiffs have demonstrated a likeli‐
hood of success on the claim that the Attorney General
lacked any Constitutional authority to impose the conditions
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upon the grant recipients, and therefore that the actions vio‐
lated the separation of powers principles. We are faced, then,
with conditions on the receipt of critical law enforcement
funds that have been imposed by the Attorney General
without any authority in a manner that usurps the authority
of Congress—made more egregious because Congress itself
has repeatedly refused to pass bills with such restrictions. A
narrow question of law such as is present here is more likely
to lend itself to broader injunctive relief, and that is particu‐
larly true where the plaintiff has established a likelihood of
success on a claim that the Attorney General acted ultra vires
in imposing the conditions and those conditions apply uni‐
formly on all grant recipients. Accordingly, this does not
present the situation in which the courts will benefit from
allowing the issue to percolate through additional courts
and wind its way through the system in multiple independ‐
ent court actions. There are some legal issues which benefit
from consideration in multiple courts—such as issues as to
the reasonableness of searches or the excessiveness of
force—for which the context of different factual scenarios
will better inform the legal principle. But a determination as
to the plain meaning of a sentence in a statute is not such an
issue. For that issue, the duplication of litigation will have
little, if any, beneficial effect.
Moreover, the balance of equities supports the district
court’s determination to impose the injunction nationwide.
As the Trump Court noted, in determining the proper scope
of an injunction, the court must weigh the balance of equi‐
ties, which explores the relative harms to the plaintiff and
defendant as well as the interests of the public at large.
Trump, 137 S. Ct. at 2087. The district court properly assessed
that balance of harms here. The harm to the Attorney Gen‐
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eral is minimized because the Attorney General can distrib‐
ute the funds without mandating the conditions—as has
been done for over a decade—and nothing in the injunction
prevents any state or local government from coordinating its
local law enforcement with the federal authorities and com‐
plying with the conditions sought here. And we have seen
that even objecting governments such as the City willingly
cooperate with federal authorities as to those individuals
who commit serious offenses. The adverse impact to the At‐
torney General is limited to those jurisdictions who oppose
the conditions, which presumably would be the jurisdictions
that would join in pursuing the multiplicitous cases that
would be needed to obtain the relief provided here, or which
would not have the means to pursue such litigation and
would face the choice of complying with the apparently‐
unconstitutional conditions or losing crucial law enforce‐
ment funds. On the other hand, the impact on localities
forced to comply with these provisions could be devastating.
Those local and state governments have concluded that the
safety of their communities is furthered by a relationship of
trust with the undocumented persons and lawful immi‐
grants residing therein—and those localities are clearly in
the best position to determine the security needs of their
own communities. Such trust, once destroyed by the man‐
dated cooperation and communication with the federal im‐
migration authorities, would not easily be restored. And
given the significance of the federal funds at issue, amount‐
ing to hundreds of thousands to millions of dollars for each
state, noncompliance is a particularly poor option.
Moreover, the public interest, which is also a factor in the
balance of equities, see Trump, 137 S. Ct. at 2087, weighs in
favor of the nationwide injunction. The public interest
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would be ill‐served here by requiring simultaneous litigation
of this narrow question of law in countless jurisdictions. And
it is clear from the nature of the claim and the response of
amici in this case that litigation on this matter would indeed
be widespread and simultaneous. First, the actions would
have to be brought swiftly in each jurisdiction, because the
conditions are imposed by the Attorney General in the
award of the grant itself, and therefore the window for chal‐
lenging the conditions is limited to the 45‐day period be‐
tween the award of the grant and the deadline for accepting
or rejecting that award. This is not a situation in which
courts would be able to benefit from perusing the decisions
of other courts in the matter.
And it is clear that a significant number of award recipi‐
ents oppose the conditions and would challenge the condi‐
tions if financially able to do so. Among the amici asking the
district court to uphold the injunction in the stay proceed‐
ings were 37 cities and counties. In fact, while the motion to
stay was pending in the district court, the United States Con‐
ference of Mayors, representing the interests of 1,400 cities
nationwide, including many Byrne JAG grant applicants,
moved to intervene, but that motion was denied in part be‐
cause the nationwide injunction was sufficient to protect the
interests of its members. Moreover, 14 states and the District
of Columbia filed an amicus brief in this court also arguing
for affirmance of the nationwide injunction, thus further ex‐
hibiting the likelihood of widespread, duplicative litigation
in the absence of such relief. The district court appropriately
held that judicial economy counseled against requiring all of
those jurisdictions, and potentially others, from filing indi‐
vidual lawsuits to decide anew the narrow legal question in
this case.
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Finally, the structure of the Byrne JAG program itself
supports the district court’s determination to impose a na‐
tionwide injunction because the recipients of the grant are
interconnected. Funding under the statute is allocated
among states and localities from one pool based on a strict
formula. The states and cities seeking grants under the Byrne
JAG program are not islands, in which actions as to one are
without impact on others. The conditions imposed on one
can impact the amounts received by others. For instance, the
amounts allocated under the Byrne JAG program can vary
based on the participation of the states and localities, and the
distribution structure includes explicit provisions for reallo‐
cation of funds in some circumstances—such as to units of
local government if the State is unable to qualify to receive
funds or chooses not to participate. 34 U.S.C. § 10156(f). Fur‐
thermore, funds allocated to Byrne JAG recipients can be
withheld as a penalty for non‐compliance with other statuto‐
ry requirements, and those funds are then reallocated to oth‐
er, compliant, Byrne JAG recipients. See e.g. 34 U.S.C.
§ 20927, § 30307(e). The City further points out that under its
provisions, the City is obligated to apply for Byrne JAG
funds not only for itself but for eleven neighboring localities.
Thus, the recipients of Byrne JAG funding are interconnect‐
ed and an impact to one recipient can have a ripple effect on
others. Under such a formula grant in which the states and
local governments are intertwined, and where the conditions
imposed preclude all funding to those who refuse to comply,
piecemeal relief is ineffective to redress the injury, and only
nationwide relief can provide proper and complete relief. In
sum, this is an instance in which the court could, and did in
the exercise of its discretion, appropriately enter a nation‐
wide injunction.
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Our review here is a narrow one. We can reverse only if
the Attorney General has established that the district court
abused its discretion in determining that the scope of the in‐
junction should be nationwide. Judge Leinenweber in this
case set forth his thoughtful consideration of the appropriate
factors in the decision below denying the stay, and given the
purely legal nature of the issue here, the broad and uniform
impact on all grant recipients, the minimal harm to the At‐
torney General given the continued ability for voluntary co‐
operation, and the structure of the Byrne JAG statute that
interconnects those grant recipients, we conclude that the
court did not abuse its discretion here.
V.
Accordingly, the district court did not err in determining
that the City established a likelihood of success on the merits
of its contention that the Attorney General lacked the au‐
thority to impose the notice and access conditions on receipt
of the Byrne JAG grants, and did not abuse its discretion in
granting the nationwide preliminary injunction in this case.
The decision of the district court is AFFIRMED.
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MANION, Circuit Judge, concurring in the judgment in
part and dissenting in part. Unless done for a purpose “un‐
related to the enforcement of a civil immigration law,” the
City of Chicago forbids its agencies or agents to
(A) permit ICE [Immigration and Customs En‐
forcement] agents access to a person being de‐
tained by, or in the custody of, the agency or
agent; (B) permit ICE agents use of agency fa‐
cilities for investigative interviews or other in‐
vestigative purpose; or (C) while on duty, ex‐
pend their time responding to ICE inquiries or
communicating with ICE regarding a person’s
custody status or release date.
Chicago, Ill., Muni. Code § 2‐173‐042(b)(1). This ordinance’s
proscription on cooperation does not apply if the subject of
the investigation falls within at least one of four excepted
classes of persons: those with outstanding criminal warrants,
felons, those with a felony charge pending, and known gang
members. Id. at § 2‐173‐042(c). For Chicago, this ordinance
barring collaboration with federal immigration authorities is
important to maintaining its image as a “Welcoming City,”
open to aliens both documented and undocumented. It con‐
siders it an expression of its independent sovereignty that it
can choose not to assist the federal government in enforcing
the nation’s immigration laws. For the Attorney General, the
ordinance is an obstacle to effective law enforcement. His
interest is in getting deportable criminal aliens off the streets,
and he believes Chicago’s policies endanger the community.
This debate casts a long shadow over this appeal, but ul‐
timately these broad questions touching on immigration pol‐
icy and federal/local cooperation in law enforcement are not
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at issue in this case. Instead, this is a case about federal
funds and who gets to decide the terms by which those
funds are distributed.
Since 2006, the federal government has given money to
local governments for law enforcement purposes through
the Byrne JAG program. For Fiscal Year 2017, the Attorney
General wants to impose immigration‐related conditions on
the receipt of those funds. Specifically, the Attorney General
wants Byrne JAG recipients to provide federal immigration
agents with notice of the release dates of certain aliens in
their custody (the “Notice” condition); provide immigration
agents with access to facilities to conduct interviews with
certain detainees (the “Access” condition); and provide a cer‐
tification of compliance with 8 U.S.C. § 1373, which bars
governments from prohibiting their officials “from sending
to, or receiving from, the Immigration and Naturalization
Service information regarding the citizenship or immigra‐
tion status, lawful or unlawful, of any individual” (the
“Compliance” condition).
Because of its commitment to being a “Welcoming City,”1
Chicago does not want to comply with these conditions. But
it still wants to receive its Byrne JAG allotment, so it filed
this lawsuit against the Attorney General seeking to prevent
1 As the court notes, Chicago uses the term “Welcoming City,” but its
policies place it in the same camp as other so‐called “sanctuary cities.”
Maj. Op. at 10–11. The court calls this a misnomer: those cities do not
“interfere in any way with the federal government’s lawful pursuit of its
civil immigration activities.” Id. at 11. Whether and to what extent such
“sanctuary” policies constitute passive non‐cooperation or active inter‐
ference is the subject of other litigation. See United States v. California, No.
18‐264 (E.D. Cal. filed Mar. 6, 2018).
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him from enforcing these conditions. The case is before us on
appeal from a grant of a preliminary injunction forbidding
the Attorney General from enforcing the Notice and Access
conditions. The Compliance condition is not at issue in this
appeal.
To get a preliminary injunction, a plaintiff like Chicago
must show “that [it] is likely to succeed on the merits, that
[it] is likely to suffer irreparable harm in the absence of pre‐
liminary relief, that the balance of equities tips in [its] favor,
and that an injunction is in the public interest.” Winter v.
Nat’l Res. Defense Council, Inc., 555 U.S. 7, 20 (2008). The dis‐
trict court decided a preliminary injunction was appropriate.
It concluded that Chicago was likely to succeed on the merits
because the Attorney General lacks the authority to impose
the Notice and Access conditions and that Chicago would
suffer irreparable harm without an injunction. The court de‐
termined that the balance of the equities and the public in‐
terest “favor neither party.” City of Chicago v. Sessions, 264 F.
Supp. 3d 933, 951 (N.D. Ill. 2017).
On appeal, the Attorney General only challenges one as‐
pect of the district court’s reasoning for entering an injunc‐
tion: he argues he does have the authority to impose the No‐
tice and Access conditions.2 The court today says he does
2 Surprisingly, the Attorney General does not challenge any other detail
of the district court’s reasoning, even though the district court appears to
have misapplied Winter. The district court treated the four requirements
of the Winter test as factors to be weighed rather than elements to be met.
Thus, even though the district court specifically concluded the balance of
the equities and the public interest did not favor Chicago, it still entered
an injunction. Because Chicago did not meet all four elements as laid out
in Winter, it seems the district court should not have entered an injunc‐
tion. See Real Truth About Obama, Inc. v. Fed. Election Comm’n, 575 F.3d
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not, and I agree. As that is all the Attorney General challeng‐
es about the district court’s reasoning, I concur in the court’s
judgment that the decision to enter an injunction protecting
Chicago was not an abuse of discretion.
However, the court today also concludes that it was with‐
in the district court’s discretion to impose that injunction na‐
tionwide. Because I believe the entry of the nationwide in‐
junction constituted an overstep of the district court’s au‐
thority, I dissent from that portion of the court’s decision.
I.
The Notice and Access conditions, viewed in isolation,
are perfectly reasonable. No one should find it surprising
that the federal government would require cooperation with
its law enforcement efforts in exchange for the receipt of fed‐
eral law enforcement funds. Indeed, the Attorney General’s
obvious frustration at applicants for Byrne JAG funds who
“insist on their entitlement to federal law enforcement grants
even as they refuse to provide the most basic cooperation in
immigration enforcement” is eminently understandable.
Appellant’s Brief at 17. But the reasonableness and sound‐
ness of the conditions are not at issue here. Courts do not (or
at least should not) decide legal issues based on the courts’
impression of the propriety of particular policies. Conse‐
342, 347 (4th Cir. 2009) (“Winter articulates four requirements, each of
which must be satisfied as articulated….”), judgment vacated on other
grounds by 559 U.S. 1089 (2010). Nevertheless, because the Attorney Gen‐
eral has not challenged this aspect of the district court’s order, he has
waived it as a grounds for reversal. See Hojnacki v. Klein‐Acosta, 285 F.3d
544, 549 (7th Cir. 2002) (“A party waives any argument that it does not
raise before the district court or, if raised in the district court, it fails to
develop on appeal.”).
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quently, the debates over how much the states should be in‐
volved in enforcing immigration policy should not distract
from the issues within the court’s purview to resolve.
Because this case deals with the awarding of a federal
grant, it necessarily concerns the spending of federal money.
The Constitution places the power to spend federal money
in the legislative branch. See U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 1 (“The
Congress shall have Power…to pay the Debts and provide
for the…general Welfare of the United States….”); see also
Nat’l Federation of Indep. Bus. v. Sebelius, 567 U.S. 519, 576
(2012) (“We have long recognized that Congress may use
[the Spending Clause] power to grant federal funds to the
states and determining priority purposes for formula
grants.”). With this power comes the ancillary authority to
place conditions on the receipt of federal funds. Nat’l Federa‐
tion of Indep. Bus., 567 U.S. at 576. Accordingly, there is no in‐
herent executive authority to place conditions on the receipt
of federal funds—any such authority must be given to the
executive by the legislature. See generally La. Pub. Serv.
Comm’n v. F.C.C., 476 U.S. 355, 374 (1986) (“[A]n agency liter‐
ally has no power to act…unless and until Congress confers
power upon it.”).
Recognizing this, the Attorney General directs us to 34
U.S.C. § 10102(a)(6), which states that the Assistant Attorney
General for the Office of Justice Programs, which oversees
the Byrne JAG program, shall “exercise such other powers
and functions as may be vested in the Assistant Attorney
General pursuant to this chapter or by delegation of the At‐
torney General, including placing special conditions on all
grants….” 34 U.S.C. § 10102(a)(6) (emphasis added). The At‐
torney General argues this is a broad‐sweeping grant of au‐
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thority to impose any conditions on any grants, the only lim‐
it being the Constitution itself. I agree with the court that this
is not so.
Therefore, because I agree that the Attorney General does
not have the authority to impose the Notice and Access con‐
ditions, and because that is all the Attorney General chal‐
lenges concerning the propriety of an injunction, I concur in
the judgment of the court affirming the entry of a prelimi‐
nary injunction prohibiting the Attorney General from im‐
posing those conditions on Chicago. 3
II.
But a simple preliminary injunction protecting Chicago
(the only plaintiff in this suit) is not all the district court en‐
tered. Instead, the district court announced as follows: “This
injunction against imposition of the notice and access condi‐
tions is nationwide in scope, there being no reason to think
that the legal issues present in this case are restricted to Chi‐
cago or that the statutory authority given to the Attorney
3 The Attorney General does not have authority to force Chicago to co‐
operate with federal immigration‐enforcement efforts as a condition to
receiving Byrne JAG funds. But that does not mean that such coopera‐
tion is not allowed. Indeed, based on the exceptions in Chicago’s ordi‐
nance, Chicago itself has concluded that cooperation with the federal
government concerning certain classes of alien is to its benefit. I assume
and expect that, for example, when Chicago finds itself with custody
over a deportable alien who was convicted of a felony, members of vari‐
ous law enforcement agencies in Chicago are free to work with ICE and
provide notice of release and access to that alien. The Attorney General
cannot force that cooperation as a condition of receiving funds, but it is
likely there are a number of Chicago police officers and other officials
who are ready, willing, and able to work with ICE agents in such situa‐
tions, and they are free to do so.
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General would differ in another jurisdiction.” City of Chicago,
264 F. Supp. 3d at 951.
This was a gratuitous application of an extreme remedy.
This court now upholds the district court’s overreach be‐
cause “[t]he case presents essentially a facial challenge to a
policy applied nationwide, the balance of equities favors na‐
tionwide relief, and the format of the Byrne JAG grant itself
renders individual relief ineffective to provide full relief.”
Maj. Op. at 30. In doing so, the court bypasses Supreme
Court precedent, disregards what the district court actually
concluded concerning the equities in this case, and misreads
the effect of providing relief to Chicago only.
A. United States v. Mendoza
First, the court says a nationwide injunction was appro‐
priate in this case because it “presents purely a narrow issue
of law… [that] will not vary from one locality to another.”
Maj. Op. at 30. This reasoning is contrary to Supreme Court
precedent.
A nationwide injunction is similar in effect to nonmutual
offensive collateral estoppel, which “occurs when the plain‐
tiff seeks to foreclose the defendant from litigating an issue
the defendant has previously litigated unsuccessfully in an
action with another party.” Parklane Hosiery Co. v. Shore, 439
U.S. 322, 326 n.4 (1979). In United States v. Mendoza, 464 U.S.
154 (1984), the Supreme Court held that “nonmutual offen‐
sive collateral estoppel…does not apply against the Gov‐
ernment in such a way as to preclude relitigation of issues.”
Id. at 162. The Court did so primarily because “allowing
nonmutual collateral estoppel against the Govern‐
ment…would substantially thwart the development of im‐
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portant questions of law by freezing the first final decision
rendered on a particular legal issue.” Id. at 160. Additionally,
it noted that “[a]llowing only one final adjudication would
deprive [the] Court of the benefit it receives from permitting
several courts of appeals to explore a difficult question be‐
fore [the] Court grants certiorari.” Id. As the Fourth and
Ninth Circuits have both recognized, these concerns are just
as present in the context of nationwide injunctions. See L.A.
Haven Hospice, Inc. v. Sebelius, 638 F.3d 644, 664 (9th Cir.
2011); Va. Soc’y for Human Life, Inc. v. Fed. Election Comm’n,
263 F.3d 379, 393 (4th Cir. 2001), overruled on other grounds by
The Real Truth About Abortion, Inc. v. Fed. Election Comm’n, 681
F.3d 544 (4th Cir. 2012).
Though the court does not cite Mendoza in its opinion to‐
day, it implicitly attempts to distinguish that decision. It says
that this case “does not present the situation in which courts
will benefit from allowing the issue to percolate through ad‐
ditional courts and wind its way through the system in mul‐
tiple independent court actions.” Maj. Op. at 31. It claims
this case is different from ones involving issues “for which
the context of different factual scenarios will better inform
the legal principle.” Id. But if a lack of factual differentiation
is all that is needed to distinguish Mendoza, then a nation‐
wide injunction is appropriate in every statutory‐
interpretation case. That cannot be the law. If anything, the
opposite is true. Different parties litigating the same issues
in different forums will likely engage different arguments,
leading to diverse analyses and enhancing the likelihood of
the strongest arguments coming to the fore. Courts faced
with difficult statutory questions are the ones who benefit
the most from the existence of multiple well‐reasoned deci‐
sions from which to draw.
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Virginia Society for Human Life is illustrative. In that case,
the Fourth Circuit was faced with deciding the constitution‐
ality of a federal regulation, “a ‘purely legal’ issue [for
which] further factual development will not assist…in [the]
resolution.” Va. Society for Human Life, Inc., 263 F.3d at 390
(quoting Abbott Labs. v. Gardner, 387 U.S. 136, 149 (1967)).
Nevertheless, the Fourth Circuit concluded that a nation‐
wide injunction would have “the effect of precluding other
circuits from ruling on the constitutionality of” the regula‐
tion, thus “conflict[ing] with the principle that a federal
court of appeals’s decision is only binding within its circuit.”
Id. at 393. The court recognized that to uphold the injunction
would be to impose its “view of the law on all the other cir‐
cuits.” Id. at 394. That the underlying issue was purely legal
did not alter that fact.
The district court’s order in this case, and this court’s de‐
cision to affirm it, directly conflict with these principles. We
are not the Supreme Court, and we should not presume to
decide legal issues for the whole country, even if they are
purely facial challenges involving statutory interpretation.
While we may be convinced that the statute says one thing,
we should not discount the fact that our honorable col‐
leagues in other districts and other circuits may view things
differently. Just as we can disagree with them, they can disa‐
gree with us. See, e.g., Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Ry. Co. v.
Peña, 44 F.3d 437, 443 (7th Cir. 1994) (en banc) (“[W]hile we
carefully consider the opinions of our sister circuits, we cer‐
tainly do not defer to them.”).
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B. Equities
The court’s opinion also says the balance of the equities
weighs in favor of a nationwide injunction. Essentially, the
court concludes it would have no serious impact on the At‐
torney General to distribute the money absent these condi‐
tions. But if the conditions are imposed, jurisdictions like
Chicago who do not want to comply will be denied their
federal funds or will be forced to sacrifice the trust of their
(undocumented) immigrant communities.
On this point, there is no basis to second‐guess the rea‐
soning of the district court, which expressly determined that
the balance of the equities and the public interest “favor nei‐
ther party.” City of Chicago, 264 F. Supp. 3d at 951. The dis‐
trict court acknowledged Chicago’s purported interest in
“the benefits that flow from immigrant communities freely
reporting crimes and acting as witnesses,” but it also recog‐
nized the Attorney General’s “need to enforce federal immi‐
gration law.” Id. The district court explained that “[b]oth
sides can claim that concerns of public safety justify their po‐
sitions” and that “[b]oth parties have strong public policy
arguments, the wisdom of which is not for the Court to de‐
cide.” Id. So equity weighs on both sides, and it certainly
does not justify the entry of a nationwide injunction. Indeed,
as alluded to in note 2, supra, a court in the Fourth Circuit
would likely not even have entered a more limited injunc‐
tion when the equities were so evenly balanced. See Real
Truth About Obama, Inc., 575 F.3d at 347. If an injunction is
going to be nationwide, it should at least be one that could
have been entered anywhere in the nation.
The court also suggests that avoiding “widespread, du‐
plicative litigation in the absence of” a nationwide injunction
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is in the public interest. Maj. Op. at 33. But a nationwide in‐
junction is not the only way, nor even the best way, to avoid
this problem. Chicago could have filed a class action pursu‐
ant to Rule 23(b)(2) seeking declaratory and injunctive relief
on behalf of all jurisdictions that do not want to comply with
the conditions. See Fed. R. Civ. P. 23(b) (“A class action may
be maintained if Rule 23(a) is satisfied and if:…(2) the party
opposing the class has acted or refused to act on grounds
that apply generally to the class, so that final injunctive or
declaratory relief is appropriate respecting the class as a
whole….”). Requiring a class action has the benefit of deal‐
ing with the one‐way‐ratchet nature of the nationwide in‐
junction. A nationwide injunction ties the Attorney General’s
hands when he loses, but if Chicago had lost here, then some
other municipality could have filed suit against the Attorney
General in some other jurisdiction, and that process could in
theory continue until a plaintiff finally prevailed. With a
class action, a decision would bind those other municipali‐
ties just as it would bind the Attorney General, and they
could not run off to the 93 other districts for more bites at the
apple.
C. The Byrne JAG Statute
The court’s final reason for upholding the nationwide in‐
junction is that the nature of the Byrne JAG program re‐
quires it. Byrne JAG is a formula grant, meaning “allocations
of money to states or their subdivisions are in accordance
with a scheme prescribed by law or by administrative regu‐
lation.” Federal Grant Practice § 16:5 (2017 ed.). The Byrne
JAG formula provides that of the money appropriated by
Congress, 50% goes to the states based on population and
50% goes to the states based on violent crime statistics. 34
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U.S.C. § 10156(a)(1). Of the amount allotted to each state,
40% goes to local governments. Id. at (b)(2). If a jurisdiction
fails to comply with certain statutory requirements, the
funds can be withheld and redistributed. See 34 U.S.C. §§
20927, 30307. The court notes that these and other considera‐
tions suggest that “an impact to one recipient can have a
ripple effect on others.” Maj. Op. at 34.
This argument is not sufficient to justify a nationwide in‐
junction. It is axiomatic that the extraordinary relief of an in‐
junction “should be no more burdensome to the defendant
than necessary to provide complete relief to the plaintiffs.”
Califano v. Yamasaki, 442 U.S. 682, 702 (1979). This means that
broad relief, even relief that benefits non‐parties, is some‐
times necessary to provide complete relief to the actual
plaintiffs. The classic examples of such scenarios are deseg‐
regation cases. See, e.g., Bailey v. Patterson, 323 F.2d 201, 206
(5th Cir. 1963). In those cases, the plaintiffs did “not seek the
right to use those parts of segregated facilities that have been
set aside for use by ‘whites only.’” Id. Rather, “they [sought]
the right to use facilities which have been desegregated….”
Id. Accordingly, “[t]he very nature of the rights [the plain‐
tiffs] [sought] to vindicate require[d] that the decree run to
the benefit not only of [the plaintiffs] but also for all persons
similarly situated.” Id. In the same vein, cases suggesting
ubiquitous harm, such as federal violations of the Establish‐
ment Clause, could also justify a nationwide injunction, be‐
cause an establishment of religion by the federal government
would harm the plaintiffs wherever it was taking place. See
generally Decker v. O’Donnell, 661 F.2d 598, 618 (7th Cir. 1980).
In those cases, the relief to non‐parties could be called a side‐
effect of the relief given to the plaintiffs.
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This was the case in International Refugee Assistance Project
v. Trump, 857 F.3d 554 (4th Cir. 2017). There, the Fourth Cir‐
cuit upheld a nationwide injunction on the President’s “trav‐
el ban” because the plaintiffs were “dispersed throughout
the United States,” there was an interest in ensuring uniform
application of immigration laws, and the court concluded
the ban “likely violates the Establishment Clause.” Id. at 605;
see also Hawaii v. Trump, 859 F.3d 741, 787–88 (9th Cir. 2017).
Without directly addressing the merits of why the injunction
should be nationwide, the Supreme Court declined to com‐
pletely stay the injunction. See Trump v. Int’l Refugee Assis‐
tance Project, 137 S. Ct. 2080, 2089 (2017).
The same need to protect third parties to provide com‐
plete relief is not present here. The structure of the Byrne
JAG program does not require granting relief to non‐parties.
While the statute does provide situations in which money
would be withheld and redistributed, there are no provi‐
sions for redistribution of funds withheld for failing to abide
by the Attorney General’s “special conditions.”4 The formula
provides for the calculation of allotments, and then those al‐
lotments are claimed by grantees submitting applications.
Apart from instructing that money withheld from a state
should be redistributed to its local governments, 34 U.S.C. §
10156(f), the statute is completely silent on what happens if a
potential grantee is denied or if it simply fails to submit an
application. Chicago has not shown how that situation
would resolve itself, and it has certainly not shown how an
4 This may be further indication the Attorney General does not have the
broad conditioning authority he claims he does, and underscores the
need for Congress to intervene to fill in any blanks the Attorney General,
or any other litigant, deems necessary.
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injunction preventing the Attorney General from enforcing
the conditions at all is necessary to protect its own interest in
collecting its allotment. If money were withheld and redis‐
tributed from other jurisdictions, Chicago would benefit by
getting more money. Finally, this case is tangentially related
to immigration law and policy, but it is ultimately a funding
case, and it does not come close to implicating the nation‐
wide uniformity concerns raised in other cases. The nation‐
wide injunction is simply unnecessary here.
III.
Given the conclusion that Chicago has a likelihood to
prevail on the merits in this case, and the fact that the Attor‐
ney General has not challenged any other aspect of the dis‐
trict court’s preliminary‐injunction analysis, I join the court’s
judgment affirming the entry of the injunction. I do so, how‐
ever, only for an injunction that protects Chicago. Other ju‐
risdictions that do not want to comply with the Notice and
Access conditions were not parties to this suit, and there is
no need to protect them in order to protect Chicago. An in‐
junction, particularly a preliminary injunction, is an extreme
remedy. A nationwide preliminary injunction is more ex‐
treme still. One should only be issued where it is absolutely
necessary, and it is far from absolutely necessary here. Con‐
sequently, I would remand with instructions to the district
court to modify the injunction so as to prevent the Attorney
General from enforcing the conditions only concerning Chi‐
cago’s application for funds.
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