County Of Cook v. Bank of America Corporation et al
Filing
664
MEMORANDUM Opinion and Order signed by the Honorable Elaine E. Bucklo on 2/10/2022. Mailed notice. (mgh, )
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 1 of 58 PageID #:44877
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF ILLINOIS
EASTERN DIVISION
)
)
)
)
)
)
)
)
)
)
COUNTY OF COOK,
Plaintiff,
v.
BANK OF AMERICA
CORPORATION, et al.
Defendants.
No. 14 C 2280
MEMORANDUM OPINION AND ORDER
Nearly eight years ago, Cook County filed this action under
the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (“FHA”) to recover for economic and
non-economic
result
of
injuries
defendants’
that
it
claims
predatory
and
to
have
suffered
discriminatory
as
scheme
a
to
strip equity from the homes of African American and Hispanic
borrowers in Cook County (“minority borrowers”) and to foreclose
disproportionately
defendants
advanced
identified
data
methodologies”
unchecked
borrowers,
on
or
their
and
mining
and
which
targeted
techniques
engaged
improper
homes.
in
credit
allowed
The
minority
and
practices
approval
minority
County
alleged
borrowers
predictive
that
borrowers
“using
analysis
encouraged:
decisions
to
for
that
(a)
minority
receive
home
loans they could not afford; (b) discretionary application of
surcharges on minority borrowers of additional points, fees, and
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other credit and servicing costs over and above an otherwise
objective risk-based financing rate for such loan products; (c)
steering minority borrowers into higher cost loan products; and
(d)
undisclosed
residences
to
inflation
support
of
appraisal
inflated
loan
values
amounts
of
minority
to
minority
borrowers. Compl. ECF 1 at ¶ 7. All of these practices allegedly
increased
minority
the
likelihood
borrowers.
Id.
of
See
default
also
and
id.
at
foreclosure
¶
103
among
(alleging
additional discriminatory terms and conditions); ¶ 299 (same).
As a result of the foregoing practices, the County claimed to
have suffered injuries that included: (1) out-of-pocket costs to
provide governmental services associated with foreclosed and/or
vacant
properties;
(2)
lost
property
tax
revenue;
(3)
lost
recording fee income; and (5) intangible injuries to the fabric
of its communities. Id. at ¶ 408.
After the County’s original complaint survived a motion to
dismiss, see Cty. of Cook v. Bank of Am. Corp., 181 F. Supp. 3d
513 (N.D. Ill. 2015), the Supreme Court’s decisions in Bank of
Am. Corp. v. City of Miami, Fla., 137 S. Ct. 1296 (2017) (“City
of Miami”), and Texas Department of Housing & Community Affairs
v. Inclusive Communities Project, Inc., 135 S. Ct. 2507 (2015)
(“Inclusive Communities”), altered the legal landscape of the
County’s claims. City of Miami confirmed the County’s Article
III standing to pursue FHA claims for economic injuries but held
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that the statute’s proximate causation requirement limited the
scope of its actionable injuries to those the County could prove
were the direct result of the discriminatory conduct alleged.
137 S. Ct. at 1305-06. Inclusive Communities confirmed that the
County’s disparate impact theory of discrimination is cognizable
under the FHA but held that claims based on that theory are
subject to a “robust causality requirement” that requires the
County to do more than offer statistical evidence of racial
imbalance; the County must also point to a specific policy and
show
that
it
“artificial,
created
arbitrary,
and
unnecessary
barriers” to equality. 576 U.S. at 543.
In
the
wake
jurisprudence,
the
of
these
County
developments
filed
a
in
Second
the
Court’s
Amended
FHA
Complaint
(“SAC”) in July of 2017. Count I of the SAC asserts the theory
that defendants carried out an equity stripping scheme designed
to enrich themselves at the expense of minority borrowers, who
disproportionately
violation
challenges
of
the
suffered
FHA.1
defendants’
In
default
Count
facially
II,
and
the
foreclosure,
County
neutral
in
specifically
servicing
and
foreclosure practices, which the County likewise claims had a
disparate impact on minority borrowers in violation of the FHA.
Although the County alleges that defendants’ equity stripping
scheme was intentional, Count I is based on “statistical
disparities in foreclosure rates resulting from Defendants’
equity stripping practices,” not on evidence of discriminatory
intent. See Pl.’s Opp. ECF 622 at 3 n. 4 (ECF 622)
1
3
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And in Count III, the County claims that defendants’ equity
stripping
scheme
amounts
to
intentional
discrimination
in
violation of the FHA because it targeted minority borrowers for
higher cost, higher risk loans based on their race and/or color.
See SAC, ECF 177 at ¶¶ 403-551.
Defendants
moved
to
dismiss
the
SAC
in
its
entirety.
Although I rejected defendants’ arguments that the County failed
to
articulate
either
a
plausible
claim
for
any
injury
proximately caused by defendants’ alleged discrimination or the
“robust” causality required to proceed on a disparate impact
theory, I held that the majority of the injuries the County
claimed—including
costs
associated
the
alleged
with
the
erosion
of
provision
of
its
tax
digest
downstream
and
social
services—were “too remote in time, and too contingent on later
events, to satisfy the “first step” directness requirement of
City of Miami. Accordingly, I concluded that only a “narrow
category” of the County’s alleged damages, namely, “the out-ofpocket
costs
discriminatory
it
claims
to
have
foreclosures,”
had
incurred
“a
in
processing
sufficient
temporal
the
and
practical connection” to the challenged foreclosures to satisfy
City
of
Miami’s
proximate
causation
standard.
I
specifically
identified “additional funding for the Cook County Sheriff to
serve foreclosure notices and for the Circuit Court of Cook
County to process the deluge of foreclosures” as examples of
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such costs, though I expressed skepticism that these losses were
worth the cost of pursuing the County’s far-reaching claims.
Mem. Op. and Order of 03/30/2018, ECF 204 at 19-20. I later
clarified, pursuant to a motion by the County, that the County
could
also
notices,
seek
“out-of-pocket
conducting
proceedings,
and
judicial
costs
and
registering
in
serving
administrative
and
inspecting
eviction
foreclosure
foreclosed
properties.” Order of 08/17/18, ECF 228 at 1. These decisions,
read together, identified a closed set of “out-of-pocket” costs
that I concluded the County could attempt to show—using the
statistical
regression
analysis
it
heralded
as
capable
of
isolating the effects of defendants’ conduct from the influence
of numerous other factors—were directly caused by defendants’
alleged discrimination.
Discovery
followed,
punctuated
by
substantial
motion
practice, occasionally before me and frequently before the two
magistrate judges successively assigned to this case. Defendants
then filed a motion for summary judgment, which is now ripe for
decision.
motions,
Also
which
pending
are
I
considered
have
the
parties’
in
respective
conjunction
Daubert
with
their
summary judgment arguments. For the following reasons, I grant
defendants’
summary
judgment
motion
motions as set forth below.
5
and
resolve
the
Daubert
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I.
The overarching theme of the SAC is that defendants’ equity
stripping scheme and discriminatory servicing and foreclosure
practices caused skyrocketing foreclosure rates in Cook County
from
2004
to
approximately
2008,
which
disproportionately
affected FHA-protected minority borrowers and communities with a
high
concentration
of
minorities.
This
avalanche
of
foreclosures, in turn, allegedly caused the County to suffer an
increase
in
foreclosure-related
damages
resulting
from
expenses
defendants’
that
it
claims
discriminatory
as
lending
practices.
Defendants attack this theory on nearly every front. Their
primary arguments are: 1) that the County has no evidence that
any unified “equity stripping scheme” existed, much less one
that
targeted
minority
borrowers,
nor
any
evidence
of
intentional discrimination, i.e., disparate treatment; 2) that
even assuming Countrywide and/or Bank of America2 engaged in the
Throughout this opinion, “Countrywide” refers collectively to
Countrywide Home Loans, Inc., Countrywide Bank, FSB, and/or
Countrywide Warehouse Lending, while “Bank of America” refers to
Bank of America, N.A., and/or BAC Home Loans Servicing, LP.
Although the SAC also names as defendants Bank of America Corp.,
Countrywide Financial Corp., and Merrill Lynch & Co. (to which
defendants refer collectively as the “Holding Companies”), and
Merrill Lynch Mortgage Capital, Inc., and Merrill Lynch Mortgage
Lending Inc. (the “Merrill Defendants”), the County does not
dispute that it offers no evidence that these entities
originated, serviced, or foreclosed on any of the at-issue
loans. And while the County insists that these entities can
2
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practices
the
County
identifies
as
elements
of
the
putative
scheme, the evidence is insufficient to allow a reasonable jury
to
conclude
that
those
practices
proximately
caused
minority
borrowers to suffer foreclosure more frequently than similarly
situated white borrowers; and 3) that the County has not proven
any of the losses for which I held it could seek damages because
a) it offers no evidence of any increase in its out-of-pocket
expenses
as
a
result
of
defendants’
allegedly
discriminatory
foreclosures, and b) its resource-shifting theory of loss is
both legally flawed and factually unsupported.
The County responds that the record developed in discovery,
and,
in
particular,
the
opinions
and
statistical
evidence
proffered by its experts Dr. Gary Lacefield and Dr. Charles
Cowan—both of whose opinions defendants seek to exclude under
Fed. R. Evid. 702 and Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharms., 509 U.S.
579 (1993)—establish that defendants’ equity stripping scheme
caused
minority
borrowers
to
pay
higher
monthly
payments
on
higher loan balances than similarly situated white borrowers,
and that as a result, minority borrowers suffered delinquencies
and foreclosures at higher rates. In the County’s view, the
nevertheless be held liable based on defendants’ corporate
relationships and/or the business dealings among them, its
argument in this connection is wholly conclusory. Accordingly,
summary judgment is appropriate as to these entities, and unless
otherwise noted, my use of the term “defendants” in this opinion
refers to Countrywide and Bank of America as defined above.
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record also shows that minority borrowers received fewer loan
modifications and work-outs than white borrowers; were denied
loan
modifications
under
the
Home
Affordable
Modification
Program (“HAMP”) for which they were eligible; and were placed
in foreclosure at higher rates than white borrowers. The County
also relies on Dr. Cowan’s testimony to support its claim for
damages to recover for the “resource shifting” that it claims
was
required
to
process
the
foreclosures
resulting
from
defendants’ discriminatory practices.
II.
Summary judgment obviates the need for a trial when there
“is no genuine dispute as to any material fact and the movant is
entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a).
See also Celotex Corp. v. Catrett, 477 U.S. 317, 322 (1986). A
“material” fact is one that “might affect the outcome of the
suit under the governing law.” Anderson v. Liberty Lobby, Inc.,
477 U.S. 242, 248 (1986). A “genuine” dispute exists if there is
sufficient evidence to allow a reasonable factfinder to decide
in favor of the nonmoving party. Id.
“Federal
Rule
of
Civil
Procedure
56
imposes
an
initial
burden of production on the party moving for summary judgment to
inform
the
Modrowski
v.
district
Pigatto,
court
why
712
F.3d
a
trial
1166,
is
1168
not
(7th
necessary.”
Cir.
2013).
Where, as here, the non-movant bears the underlying burden of
8
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persuasion,
the
movant
need
not
“support
its
motion
with
affidavits or other similar materials negating the opponent’s
claim.”
Id.
(quoting
Celotex,
477
U.S.
323
(emphasis
in
original)). That is, the movant can discharge its initial burden
“by ‘showing’—that is, pointing out to the district court—that
there is an absence of evidence to support the nonmoving party’s
case.” Green v. Whiteco Indus., Inc., 17 F.3d 199, 201 (7th Cir.
1994) (quoting Celotex 477 U.S. at 325)). Upon such a showing,
the
nonmovant
must
then
point
to
evidence
“sufficient
to
establish the existence of an element essential to that party’s
case” to withstand summary judgment. Modrowski, 712 F.3d at 1168
(citation omitted).
A. Integrated Equity Stripping Scheme
Defendants’
evidence
to
lead
support
claims
in
Counts
scheme
to
strip
defendants
I
submit,
argument
is
that
the
cornerstone
and
III:
equity
the
from
the
of
existence
minority
plaintiffs
its
point
to
County
lacks
equity
of
an
stripping
integrated
borrowers.
a
any
At
best,
concatenation
of
origination, underwriting, servicing, and foreclosure practices
that Countrywide and/or Bank of America implemented at various
times over the years (indeed, decades) during which they issued
or
purchased
the
challenged
loans.
This
is
not
a
trifling
distinction. To the contrary, at the motion to dismiss stage,
the County successfully withstood defendants’ argument that the
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SAC did not plausibly plead proximate causation by insisting
that
the
SAC
alleged
“an
integrated,
discriminatory
equity-
stripping scheme that began with predatory lending and ended in
the foreclosures that directly caused its injuries.” 03/30/2018
Mem. Op., ECF 204 at 8 (citing Pl.’s 09/14/2017 Resp., ECF 184
at 7). See also Cty. of Cook v. HSBC N. Am. Holdings Inc., 314
F.
Supp.
3d
950,
“comprehensive
County’s
claims
961
(N.D.
Ill.
equity-stripping
from
those
2018)
program”
resting
(allegations
distinguished
exclusively
on
of
a
the
lenders’
origination practices, as the latter “left open the possibility
that the foreclosures...could have been caused by a wide array
of factors outside of the lenders’ control.”).3
Indeed,
the
County
criticized
defendants
for
“misdirect[ing] the Court by breaking down and disjoining the
A third court in this district declined to dismiss similar
claims at the pleading stage, holding that the County’s
allegations targeting the defendants’ foreclosure practices—the
subject of Count II of the SAC—were sufficient to plead
proximate causation of its foreclosure-processing injuries. See
Cty. of Cook, Illinois v. Wells Fargo & Co., 314 F. Supp. 3d
975, 984 (N.D. Ill. 2018) (allegations that Wells Fargo
“exercised discretion over whether to grant loan modification
requests to borrowers already behind on their payments and
whether to foreclose on borrowers in default,” and thus
“determined not only the number of homes in Cook County that
would end up in default, but also the number that would end up
in foreclosure” were sufficient to plead proximate causation, as
this conduct necessarily “trigger[ed] certain obligations on the
County’s part, including posting foreclosure and eviction
notices, serving foreclosure summonses, executing evictions, and
processing foreclosure suits.”)
3
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various
components
of
the
single
equity
stripping
scheme,
improperly treating each component as a distinct step in the
causal chain of a foreclosure...and ignoring the core scheme
allegation that loan defaults and foreclosures were the intended
result” of the discriminatory scheme. Pl.’s Resp. ECF 184 at 1
(emphasis added). It was the existence of the integrated scheme,
the County insisted, that created a “direct, single-link causal
chain”
between
the
foreclosures
and
the
County’s
alleged
economic injury, i.e., its expenditure of “money in the form of
foreclosure-related
proceedings,”
as
well
as
the
additional
downstream losses the County claimed as damages. Id. at 7. See
also
id.
at
discriminatory
15-16
equity
(“The
County
stripping
sued
scheme,
Defendants
and
for
for
their
their
stand-
alone discriminatory foreclosure practices, both of which are
premised on the vacancy/foreclosure as the ultimate causal event
to the County’s injuries.”).
But nothing in the record the County has since developed
suggests that defendants—who, it bears recalling, competed with
each other in the loan business until Bank of America acquired
Countrywide in 2008 and 2009—engaged in a coordinated scheme to
provoke
defaults
and
foreclosures
by
minority
borrowers
by
locking them into loans they could not afford—a scheme that Dr.
Lacefield admitted would “not make economic sense.” Lacefield
Spolin Resp., ECF 573-15 at 15. No witness testified that such
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an
integrated
scheme
existed.
No
document
suggests
that
the
practices the County challenges were interconnected elements of
a
unified
homes.
effort
And
to
neither
strip
of
borrowers
the
of
County’s
the
equity
liability
in
their
experts—even
assuming that their opinions are admissible—opines or offers any
basis to conclude that the loan features or lending practices
they deem discriminatory were part of unified equity stripping
scheme.
Indeed,
the
County
does
not
dispute
that
it
lacks
affirmative evidence of the integrated scheme the SAC alleges.
Nevertheless,
it
seeks
to
withstand
summary
judgment
by
miscasting defendants’ argument as resting on the absence of a
written policy setting forth the equity stripping scheme. See
Pl.’s
Opp.,
ECF
622
at
7-8
(“Contrary
to
Defendants’
misconception, the County’s two equity stripping claims are not
dependent
stripping’
on
proof
but
of
rather
a
written
are
proven
policy
by
permitting
evidence
‘equity
showing
that
Defendants’ practices in how they carried out their facially
neutral
impact
policies
in
resulted
African
in
American
a
disparate
and
and
Hispanic
discriminatory
neighborhoods.’”)
(emphasis in original). But the problem defendants identify is
not
that
the
County
cannot
point
to
a
written
policy.
The
problem is that the County’s theory of liability, and indeed,
the proximate causation analysis set forth in City of Miami,
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require the County to prove a unified scheme that the record
simply does not substantiate.
The
County
pointing
in
tries
to
scattershot
make
up
for
this
fashion
to
evidence
shortcoming
that
by
Countrywide
and/or Bank of America engaged in a variety of practices over
roughly a decade that adversely affected borrowers: marketing
loan
products
to
consumers
who
were
not
qualified
for
traditional loans; offering incentives to employees to increase
loan volume among borrowers with lower credit scores; making or
servicing
high-risk
loans;
departing
from
underwriting
standards; and/or failing to follow servicing guidelines. But
even if a jury were persuaded that Countrywide and/or Bank of
America engaged in one or more of these practices at some point
between
2004
and
2012,
nothing
in
the
County’s
submissions
offers a basis for the jury to leap from such a finding to the
conclusion
that
defendants
carried
out
an
integrated
equity
stripping scheme targeting minority borrowers. Having averted
dismissal under City of Miami on the argument that the unified
nature
of
establish
defendants’
a
“direct,
scheme
is
what
single-link
allowed
causal
the
County
chain”
to
between
defendants’ lending, servicing, and foreclosure practices on the
one hand, and the County’s injuries on the other—and indeed,
having
disclaimed
any
theory
of
liability
premised
on
the
“disjoin[ted]” components of the scheme—the County cannot now
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stand exclusively on evidence of those components as proof of
the unified scheme.
The
bottom
sufficient
line
evidence
is
to
that
the
establish
County
the
has
causal
not
link
presented
its
equity
stripping claims require between the conduct it challenges and
the injuries it claims. For this reason alone, summary judgment
of Counts I and III is appropriate.
B. Intentional Discrimination
Defendants seek summary judgment of the equity stripping
claim in Count III for the additional reason that the County’s
evidence
does
not
give
rise
to
a
reasonable
inference
of
intentional discrimination. To survive summary judgment on its
disparate treatment claim, the County must come forward with
evidence
of
“intentional
discrimination,
provable
via
either
direct or circumstantial evidence.” Cty. of Cook v. HSBC N. Am.
Holdings
Inc.,
(citations
314
omitted).
interpreted
as
F.
Supp.
“Direct
an
3d
950,
evidence
acknowledgment
966
is
(N.D.
that
of
the
Ill.
which
2018)
can
be
defendant’s
discriminatory intent,” East-Miller v. Lake Cty. Highway Dep’t,
421 F.3d 558, 563 (7th Cir. 2005) (quoting Kormoczy v. Sec'y,
U.S. Dep’t of Hous. & Urb. Dev. on Behalf of Briggs, 53 F.3d
821, 824 (7th Cir. 1995), which is to say, “a ‘smoking gun’ of
discriminatory
intent,”
Cavalieri-Conway
v.
L.
Butterman
&
Assocs., 992 F. Supp. 995, 1003 (N.D. Ill. 1998). The County
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tacitly concedes that it lacks such “smoking gun” evidence as
discriminatory statements by a policymaker or explicitly racebased policies, see Pl.’s Opp., ECF 622 at 8 (observing that
plaintiffs “rarely have actual evidence of discrimination, such
as a written policy or an admission of impermissible animus”),
and it makes no effort to controvert defendants’ evidence that
their lending, servicing, and foreclosure policies were based on
race-neutral,
Lacefield
credit-related
agreed
with
the
criteria.
assessment
To
of
the
contrary,
defendants’
Dr.
expert,
Sharon Stedman, that “both Countrywide and Bank of America had
fair
lending
compliance
programs
that
were
consistent
with
industry and government standards.” Stedman Rpt., ECF 573-51 at
¶ 49; Lacefield Stedman Resp., ECF 573-2 at p. 25. See also
Stedman
Rpt.
oversight);
at
¶¶ 52-59
¶¶ 60-65
(describing
(describing
policies
policies
reflecting
reflecting
risk
identification, management and monitoring); ¶¶ 66-69 (describing
policies reflecting training); ¶¶ 72-78 (describing defendants’
controls to prevent steering); ¶¶ 80-83 (describing controls to
address discretionary pricing). Indeed, Dr. Lacefield frankly
admitted that “[d]efendants had all of the right manuals in
place,
guidance
prepared,
and
training
for
staff.”
Lacefield
Stedman Resp., ECF 573-52 at p. 29.4
Dr. Lacefield opines that the “resulting data, foreclosure
rates, and sworn statements from the people in charge” indicate
4
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To withstand summary judgment of its disparate treatment
claim, the County points to snippets of evidence drawn from
various sources and argues that these materials, taken together
with statistical disparities its experts observe in foreclosure
rates, raise an inference of intentional discrimination. This
argument is flawed on numerous fronts.
1. Data mining
The County first points to defendants’ alleged use of “data
mining” and other “highly sophisticated techniques” to identify
and target minority populations for the purpose of marketing
home loans. Pl.’s Opp., ECF 622 at 8-11. Setting aside that much
of the evidence the County cites in this connection does not
relate to the marketing of home loans, see, e.g., 2014 Bank of
America presentation, “Compliance Office Forum Fair Lending Hot
Topics,” ECF 618-7 at 3 (“Race Estimation – a game changer for
fair lending risk in non-mortgage credit”), and that none of the
cited materials indicates that minority borrowers were targeted
for
specific
e.g.,
(e.g.,
Countrywide
risky
or
high-cost)
presentation,
loan
“African
products,
American
see,
Retail
Campaign,” ECF 617-7 at BANACC0000169489 (identifying campaign
that these policies and controls were not followed, but his
opinions in this connection are flawed for the reasons I address
elsewhere.
16
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objectives),5 if there is any authority for the proposition that
soliciting
business
from
minority
prospects,
or
marketing
in
neighborhoods with a high concentration of minority residents,
amounts to intentional discrimination in violation of the FHA,
the County has not cited it. Indeed, it is not difficult to
imagine an FHA action premised on a lender’s failure to do these
things
while
soliciting
business
from
white
borrowers
and
marketing in predominantly white neighborhoods.6
2. Statistical disparities in issuance of high-risk loans
Next,
the
County
argues
that
statistical
evidence
that
minority borrowers “were placed in specific types of high-risk
subprime/nonprime loan products at a higher rate than similarly
situated white borrowers,” despite evidence that defendants knew
“such
loans
placed
those
borrowers
at
a
higher
risk
of
Although I cite only these examples, I have reviewed the
remaining materials the County cites in its Corrected Local Rule
56.1 (B)(3) Statement of Additional Material Facts ¶¶ 5-9 and
conclude that they likewise fail to raise a reasonable inference
of race-based targeting for specific loan products.
6 As Dr. Cowan notes in his Response Report, ECF 593-3, the OCC’s
Comptroller’s Handbook on Fair Lending defines “redlining” as “a
form of illegal disparate treatment in which a bank provides
unequal access to credit, or unequal terms of credit, because of
the
race,
color,
national
origin,
or
other
prohibited
characteristic(s) of the residents of the area in which the
credit seeker resides or will reside or in which the residential
property to be mortgaged is located,” and includes as an
example: “A bank omits or excludes such an area from efforts to
market residential loans or solicit customers for residential
credit.”
See
https://www.occ.treas.gov/publications-andresources/publications/comptrollers-handbook/files/fairlending/pub-ch-fair-lending.pdf
(last
accessed
January
20,
2022).
5
17
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delinquency, default, and foreclosure,” raises an inference of
intentional
discrimination.
Pl.’s
Opp.,
ECF
622
at
11.
A
threshold problem with this argument is that it relies heavily
on the flawed analyses of Drs. Lacefield and Cowan, which I
address
at
purposes,
greater
analysis
it
length
suffices
wholly
to
in
a
later
observe
misunderstands
section.
that:
what
1)
it
For
Dr.
present
Lacefield’s
means
to
compare
“similarly situated” borrowers; and 2) the County admits that
Dr.
Cowan
intentional
does
not
opine
discrimination
that
or
any
that
defendant
his
engaged
statistical
in
analyses
support a claim of intentional discrimination. See Pl.’s Resp.
to Def.’s L.R. 56.1 Stmt., ECF 623 at ¶ 44.
At
all
events,
statistical
disparities
of
the
kind
the
County points to are rarely sufficient to raise an inference of
intentional discrimination. Alston v. City of Madison, 853 F.3d
901, 907 (7th Cir. 2017) (“disparate impact alone is almost
always insufficient to prove discriminatory purpose.”) (citing
Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 239 (1976). Even assuming
that
minority
borrowers
disproportionately
received
loan
products with features the County characterizes as risky, and
assuming further that defendants knew recipients of such loans
were
more
recipients
purpose
likely
of
means
to
enter
traditional
more
than
default
loan
simple
18
and
products,
knowledge
foreclosure
than
“[d]iscriminatory
that
a
particular
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 19 of 58 PageID #:44895
outcome
is
the
likely
consequence
of
an
action;
rather,
discriminatory purpose requires a defendant to have selected a
particular course of action at least in part because of ... its
adverse
effects
upon
an
identifiable
group.”
Id.
(internal
quotation marks and citations omitted) (emphasis added). This is
not
an
inference
that
reasonably
emerges
from
the
County’s
statistical evidence. Even taken at face value, this evidence
comes
nowhere
near
were
“negatively
establishing
affected”
by
that
the
“almost
all
practices
minorities”
the
County
challenges, while “almost no whites” were negatively affected.
Id. at 908. See also Chicago Tchrs. Union v. Bd. of Educ. of the
City of Chicago, 14 F.4th 650, 657-58 (7th Cir. 2021) (evidence
that
school
layoffs
disproportionately
impacted
African
Americans and that Chicago’s Board of Education knew the layoffs
would have a disparate impact on that group did not raise a
triable
issue
of
intentional
discrimination).
Moreover,
the
County “never explains how such knowledge, even if proven, would
demonstrate that [defendants] intended to discriminate,” id. at
658,
given
the
uncontroverted
evidence
that
their
lending,
servicing, and foreclosure policies and practices were based on
race-neutral criteria.
3. Financial incentives
The County’s next argument—that intentional discrimination
can
be
inferred
from
evidence
19
of
financial
incentives
that
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 20 of 58 PageID #:44896
defendants provided loan originators to increase the volume of
high-risk loans to minorities, see Pl.’s Opp. ECF 622 at 17-20—
is
wholly
lacking
in
evidentiary
support.
Uncontroverted
evidence reveals that loan originators’ compensation was based
on the terms of the loans, as Dr. Lacefield himself explains,
see
Lacefield
Rpt.
at
¶ 23
(financial
incentives
“increased
based upon the risk level of the mortgage product-the higher the
risk, the greater the incentive”), and did not factor in the
borrowers’
race
or
ethnicity.
materials
the
County
Indeed,
cites
the
address
majority
policies
of
the
reflecting
differences in broker compensation as between nonprime versus
prime loan origination and make no mention of race. See, e.g.,
Pl.’s Resp. to Def.’s L.R. 56.1 Stmt. ECF 623 at ¶ 70 (citing,
inter
alia,
(reflecting
ECF
617-13
maximum
higher
BANACC0000224250
broker
at
compensation
-224250-51
rates
for
nonprime loans than for prime loans) and ECF 620-5, Miller Tr.
191:22-192:7
(confirming
that
brokers
could
earn
1%
higher
compensation for nonprime loans versus prime loans)). The County
purports
to
show
that
within
certain
categories
of
loans,
brokers actually received higher compensation rates for loans
made to minorities than for loans made to non-minorities. Id.
(citing, inter alia, ECF 618-11 and 618-13). But this ex post
comparison
does
not
evince
intentional
discrimination
for
substantially the reasons discussed above: disparate outcomes do
20
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not,
per
County’s
se,
show
remaining
intentional
evidence
discrimination.
add
anything
to
Nor
does
support
such
the
an
inference.
For example, the County points to an email from Countrywide
executive David Doyle, which includes text stating that “paying
higher
[broker
compensation]
on
PayOption
arms”
posed
a
“significant risk, especially on refinances.” Pl.’s Opp. ECF 622
at 19 (quoting Doyle email of 05/31/2005, ECF 617-18). Although
the
County
accurately
quotes
from
Doyle’s
email,
a
fuller
reading of his message belies the inference the County suggests.
The selected text appears in response to an email from another
Countrywide employee, who writes: “I read the part about paying
higher on PayOption Arms. I know the reason you would want to do
that. We will want to make sure that it does not cause other
issues such as stearing (sic) of borrowers.” Smith email of
05/25/2005, ECF 617-18. Doyle responds: “I agree with you that
this is a significant risk, especially on refinances. We will be
as thorough as we can be in our mitigation of this risk.” Doyle
email of 05/31/2005, ECF 617-18 (emphasis added). Read as a
whole, this exchange does not evoke intentional discrimination
against minority borrowers. To the contrary, it suggests that
Countrywide’s
management
was
mindful
of
the
potential
for
brokers to steer borrowers of any race toward products that
21
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yielded
higher
commissions,
and
that
it
took
measures
to
mitigate that risk.
4. Departure from underwriting standards
The
traction
County’s
from
disparate
evidence
treatment
that
claim
defendants
also
gains
“loosened”
no
their
underwriting guidelines and increased the use of exceptions to
obtain approval for high-risk loans that did not meet standard
guidelines. See Pl.’s Opp. ECF 622 at 20-23. Even assuming a
jury were to credit the County’s evidence and infer from it that
defendants had a practice of extending credit to borrowers who
did not have the ability to repay their mortgage loans, nothing
in that evidence suggests that the practice targeted minorities
in particular.
5. Failure to comply with HAMP guidelines and HUD requirements
The County next submits that intentional discrimination can
be gleaned from evidence that defendants failed to comply with
HAMP guidelines and servicing requirements mandated by HUD. See
Pl.’s Opp. ECF 622 at 23-24. This argument is equally meritless.
If there is any evidence supporting the County’s claim that
“race and ethnicity were factors considered by both Bank of
America and Countrywide in determining borrowers’ eligibility
for
loan
modifications
modification
requests
or
and
whether
place
the
to
grant
loan
in
or
the
deny
loan
foreclosure
process,” the County has not cited it. Instead, the County once
22
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again relies heavily on statistics drawn from Dr. Lacefield’s
analysis of loan outcomes and concludes that minority borrowers
were
treated
Lacefield’s
differently
analysis
in
from
this
white
borrowers.
connection
(as
Dr.
others)
is
in
But
replete with assumptions he does not test, for which he offers
no evidence, and that in some instances are belied by his own
data.
I
address
these
flaws
in
further
detail
in
a
later
section, but offer an example here to illustrate why his opinion
offers no basis for inferring intentional discrimination.
Explaining
his
use
of
the
“delimiter”
SD-3
to
evaluate
whether defendants’ servicing practices were discriminatory, Dr.
Lacefield states, “studies have indicated that the ‘failure to
submit
completed
modifications
applications’
were
declined.
was
If
the
most
‘failure
to
prevalent
submit
reason
completed
applications’ were higher for minority populations[,] then those
modification
applications
may
be
predatory/discriminatory
because that could mean that minority applicants were not worked
with
as
vigorously
applications.”
to
Lacefield
resolve
Rpt.
those
ECF
issues
560-1
at
as
were
¶ 138
white
(emphasis
added). But this observation does not raise an inference of
discrimination
substantiate
because
his
Dr.
speculation
Lacefield
that
offers
defendants
no
facts
might
not
to
have
worked with minority borrowers as vigorously as they did white
borrowers. See Gopalratnam v. Hewlett-Packard Co., 877 F.3d 771,
23
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 24 of 58 PageID #:44900
788 (7th Cir. 2017) (expert opinion that “several manufacturing
processes ‘can cause’ an internal short circuit,” was “simply
too speculative” to support his opinion that ‘such must have
occurred here’”) (original emphasis)). Perhaps the reason Dr.
Lacefield does not elaborate on this point is that the data do
not
support
his
premise.
To
the
contrary,
certain
of
Dr.
Lacefield’s data undercut the inference that applications filed
by
minority
completed
borrowers
were
applications”
at
denied
higher
for
rates
“failure
than
to
submit
applications
by
white borrowers. See Appendix 5 to Lacefield Rpt., Tbl. SD-3,
ECF 560-8 at PageID #10997 (reflecting that in census tracts
with
between
51-70%
minority
concentration,
20.6%
of
applications by white borrowers were rejected for failure to
submit completed applications, while only 14.1% of applications
by
African
American
borrowers
and
20.5%
of
applications
by
Hispanic borrowers were rejected for this reason). Dr. Lacefield
ignores these data and cherry-pick others to opine that his
application of delimiter SD-3 yields statistically significant
race-based disparities in modification outcomes. ECF 560-1 at
¶ 150.
See
undisputed
also
data
Def.’s
from
Tbl.
L.R.
SD-1,
56.1
ECF
Stmt.
at
¶ 42
(citing
560-8
at
PageID
#10994
revealing statistically lower rates of modification approval for
white borrowers than for minority borrowers, and from Tbl. SD-6,
ECF 577-1 at PageID #16471, showing that the proportion of loans
24
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 25 of 58 PageID #:44901
identified as seriously delinquent and foreclosed was higher for
white borrowers than for minority borrowers).7
Having examined both Dr. Lacefield’s data and the County’s
remaining evidence concerning defendants’ servicing practices, I
conclude
that
they
do
not
controvert
defendants’
factual
statements that “[n]either race nor ethnicity was a factor used
by
[Bank
of
America/Countrywide]
in
evaluating
borrowers
for
loan modifications.” Def.’s L.R. 56.1 Stmt., ECF 577 at ¶¶ 17-18
(citing Buchanan Tr., ECF 573-39 at 184:14-21 (“[R]ace was not a
factor in evaluating a borrower for modification. It had nothing
to do with it. . . . Not [the borrower’s] location, nothing.”);
Haumesser Tr., ECF 573-16 at 76:14-77:5 (race was “not part of
the decision process” for loan modifications) and 99:8-21 (Bank
of
America’s
borrower’s
loan
race
or
modification
ethnicity);
systems
Guidici
did
Tr.
not
573-40
list
the
33:21-34:5
(“we didn’t have access to any of the information that . . .
would allow us to know whether [the borrower] was a minority
account or not.”).
In
addition
to
the
evidentiary
shortcomings
discussed
above, the County’s argument in connection with its disparate
These data illustrate one of several flaws in Dr. Lacefield’s
analysis that I do not address in my Daubert discussion below,
which is that he cherry-picks data that support his conclusions
while ignoring those that do not. See Courchane Rpt. ECF 560-11
at Table A2.3 Dr. Lacefield’s Servicing Delimiters (“Dr.
Lacefield looks at particular segments of census tract minority
percentages, ignoring all the ones with no differences”).
7
25
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treatment claim is bereft of any meaningful legal analysis. The
County’s only case citations appear in a section captioned, “A
Reasonable
Jury
Could
Find
Discriminatory
Intent
from
the
Statistical Disparities in Defendants’ Foreclosure Rates,” where
it cites E.E.O.C. v. O & G Spring and Wire Forms Specialty Co.,
38 F.3d 872, 876 (7th Cir. 1994), and Chicago Tchrs. Union, Loc.
1, Am. Fed’n of Tchrs., AFL-CIO v. Bd. of Educ. of City of
Chicago, No. 12 C 10311, 2021 WL 1020991, at *17 (N.D. Ill. Mar.
17, 2021), for the proposition that statistical imbalances so
stark as to be “unexplainable on grounds other than race” raise
an inference of intentional discrimination. But neither of these
cases supports the County’s conclusory argument. The County does
not discuss, quantify, or even cite to any of the statistical
disparities its experts identify to illustrate their supposed
“starkness,” nor does that inference emerges naturally from the
data as a whole. Indeed, the County admits that “[c]ertain of
Dr. Lacefield’s servicing delimiters are present at higher rates
for loans to White borrowers than loans to African American or
Hispanic/Latino borrowers,” as reflected, for example, in Table
SD-1, which shows that in the aggregate, a lower percentage of
white
borrowers
received
loan
modifications
than
minority
borrowers. See ECF 560-8 at PageID #10994. In view of data such
as these, the County’s unadorned statement that “the evidence of
statistically
significant
disparities
26
is
stark
enough
for
a
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 27 of 58 PageID #:44903
reasonable
jury
to
find
Defendants’
discriminatory
intent,”
simply does not warrant the inference it seeks.
For at least the foregoing reasons, summary judgment of
Count III of the SAC is appropriate.
C. Disparate Impact
The
County’s
defendants’
caused
facially
statistical
borrowers
in
disparate
neutral
impact
lending
disparities
violation
of
the
claims
policies
between
FHA.
assert
and
minority
Count
I
that
practices
and
is
white
based
on
defendants’ putative integrated equity stripping scheme,8 while
Count
II
is
based
exclusively
on
defendants’
servicing
and
foreclosure policies. To withstand summary judgment on either
claim,
the
County
must
offer
evidence
to
show
that
the
challenged practices have a “‘disproportionately adverse effect
on minorities’ and are otherwise unjustified by a legitimate
rationale.”
Texas Dep’t of Hous. & Cmty. Affs. v. Inclusive
Communities Project, Inc., 576 U.S. 519, 524 (2015) (quoting
Ricci v. DeStefano, 557 U.S. 557, 577 (2009)). Additionally, the
County
must
show
a
“robust”
causal
connection
between
defendants’ practices and the disparate impact. Id. at 542. “A
plaintiff
who
fails
to...produce
statistical
evidence
As explained above in Section II. A., this claim fails at the
threshold
for
the
County’s
failure
to
present
evidence
sufficient to enable a jury to conclude that such a scheme
existed. In this section, I address additional flaws in the
County’s disparate impact claims.
8
27
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demonstrating a causal connection cannot make out a prima facie
case of disparate impact.” Id. at 543.
The County seeks to prove its disparate impact claims using
the
statistical
analyses
of
Drs.
Lacefield
and
Cowan,
which
defendants ask me to exclude pursuant to Fed. R. Evid. 702 and
Daubert
v.
Merrell
Dow
Pharms.,
509
U.S.
579
(1993).
Accordingly, I begin with the admissibility of these experts’
opinions.
In Daubert, the Supreme Court held that the Federal Rules
of Evidence “assign to the trial judge the task of ensuring that
an expert’s testimony both rests on a reliable foundation and is
relevant to the task at hand.” Id. at 597. Elaborating on the
Daubert framework in Kumho Tire Co. v. Carmichael, 526 U.S. 137
(1999),
the
Court
requirements”
of
explained
relevance
that
and
to
satisfy
reliability,
the
the
“twin
expert
must
“‘employ[ ] in the courtroom the same level of intellectual
rigor
that
characterizes
the
practice
of
an
expert
in
the
relevant field.’” Adams v. Ameritech Servs., Inc., 231 F.3d 414,
423 (7th Cir. 2000) (quoting Kumho Tire, 526 U.S. at 152). To
discharge
its
gatekeeping
function,
a
district
court
“must
examine (among other things) the expert’s qualifications, the
methodologies she used, and the relevance of the final results
to the questions before the jury.” Id. The proponent of the
expert testimony bears the burden of showing, by a preponderance
28
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of the evidence, that the Daubert standard is met. Lewis v.
CITGO Petroleum Corp., 561 F.3d 698, 705 (7th Cir. 2009).
1. Dr. Lacefield
The County proffers Dr. Lacefield as “a highly qualified
fair
housing
experience,
and
fair
including
as
lending
Senior
expert”
Civil
with
Rights
“extensive
Analyst
and
Supervisor of Lending Investigations at the U.S. Department of
Housing
and
training
Urban
federal
Development
regulators
(“HUD”),
and
law
in
investigating,
enforcement
on
and
how
to
investigate, Fair Housing Act violations by mortgage lenders[.]”
Pl.’s Resp., ECF 587 at 1.
Without
objection
or
contradiction
from
the
County,
defendants summarize the methodology Dr. Lacefield employed in
this case as involving:
(i) looking at the loan data for a series of lending
and
servicing
characteristics,
which
he
calls
“delimiters,” that he identifies as hallmarks of
“predatory” loans or servicing outcomes, then (ii)
comparing the relative presence of those “delimiters”
in the census-tract population of all White borrowers,
on the one hand, to all African American and Hispanic
borrowers, on the other hand, and (iii) designating
every minority loan with a “delimiter” in that
neighborhood as an instance of lending or servicing
discrimination.
Def.’s Mot., ECF 559 at 2. Defendants assail the reliability of
this methodology on multiple grounds. Their lead argument is
that
Dr.
Lacefield’s
use
of
“delimiters”
to
conduct
a
fair
lending analysis is unprecedented, unpublished, and unrecognized
29
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by
any
other
defendants
expert
add,
in
is
the
that
field.
Dr.
Compounding
Lacefield
these
purports
to
flaws,
detect
discriminatory patterns using a bivariate statistical model that
analyzes the presence of his “delimiters” without controlling
for other factors, furthering diminishing the reliability of his
conclusions. In addition, defendants argue that Dr. Lacefield
misunderstands
what
it
means
to
compare
“similarly
situated”
borrowers, rendering the conclusions he draws from statistical
disparities both unreliable and legally irrelevant.
“When evaluating the reliability of expert testimony, the
district court must make a preliminary assessment of whether the
reasoning
or
methodology
underlying
the
testimony
is
scientifically valid.” Kirk v. Clark Equip. Co., 991 F.3d 865,
873 (7th Cir. 2021). Daubert set forth “a non-exhaustive list of
guideposts to consult in assessing the reliability of expert
testimony: (1) whether the scientific theory can be or has been
tested; (2) whether the theory has been subjected to peer review
and publication; and (3) whether the theory has been generally
accepted in the relevant scientific, technical, or professional
community. Am. Honda Motor Co. v. Allen, 600 F.3d 813, 817 (7th
Cir. 2010) (citing Daubert, 509 U.S. at 593–94). Dr. Lacefield’s
methodology
fails
to
satisfy
any
of
serious doubts about its reliability.
30
these
criteria,
raising
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 31 of 58 PageID #:44907
In
his
“delimiters”
expert
as
report,
“red
Dr.
flags”
that
Lacefield
were
describes
“developed
from
his
the
lending audit criteria used by the U.S. Department of Housing
and
Urban
Development
(HUD)
to
review
the
underwriting
standards” of all lenders, and that were “designed to identify
HUD’s highest risk scale consisting of four risk levels of loan
audits.” ECF 560-1. at ¶¶ 82-83. Dr. Lacefield testified that he
formulated the delimiters based on “a written list of red flags”
found in an investigative manual HUD used at the time he worked
there (from 1991-1999, see Lacefield curriculum vitae, ECF 560-2
at
11),
lending
which
he
said
investigation
determine
whatever
–
“any
would
investigator
have
whatever
to
the
conducting
look
at
issue
in
was
a
order
they
fair
to
were
examining.” Lacefield Tr., ECF 560-19 at 204:20-205:4. But if
this “written list” or the decades-old HUD manual Dr. Lacefield
describes is anywhere in the record or otherwise to be found,
the County has not pointed me to it.9 In the end, the County
identifies
no
written
materials
that
explain
or
apply
Dr.
Lacefield’s delimiter-based analysis. That the delimiters were
derived from “red flags” described in a manual Dr. Lacefield
consulted in the 1990s does not establish that the specific
Defendants state that the County has produced no such document,
nor have defendants identified any HUD manual describing Dr.
Lacefield’s bivariate delimiter methodology. Lacefield Daubert
Mot., ECF 603 at 4-5.
9
31
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methodology he used is generally accepted in the field of fair
lending examination.
And indeed, Dr. Lacefield acknowledged that he is unaware
of any regulators, industry participants, or academics who have
employed his methodology to conduct a fair lending analysis such
as
his
any
time
in
the
past
thirty
years.
Nor
could
Dr.
Lacefield identify a single peer-reviewed academic paper that
supports,
recommends,
or
discusses
his
methodology.
See
generally Lacefield Tr., ECF 560-19. at 130-136; 202-204. None
of the other experts in this case—including the County’s other
liability expert, Dr. Cowan—was familiar with Dr. Lacefield’s
delimiter-based methodology. See, e.g., Courchane Rpt. ECF 56011 at ¶ 28 (Dr. Lacefield’s “approach is unlike any other that I
have
seen
used
government
to
agency,
assess
a
fair
lending
peer-reviewed
issues,
academic
either
paper,
by
or
a
an
industry participant.”); Stedman Rpt., ECF 560-12 at ¶¶ 17, 33,
38 (same); Cowan Tr., ECF 560-20 at 227:20-228:21 (testifying
that
he
was
not
familiar
with
the
term
“delimiter”
in
the
context of fair lending analysis, and that to his knowledge, no
federal regulator, academic, or court had ever used “delimiters”
in
that
context).
record—other
than
In
short,
Dr.
there
is
Lacefield’s
no
own
indication
in
say-so—that
the
Dr.
Lacefield’s delimiter-based methodology has been used by anyone
other than Dr. Lacefield himself. That is not a hallmark of
32
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reliability.
See
Allen,
600
F.3d
at
818
(7th
Cir.
2010)
(expressing “definite reservations” about the reliability of a
methodology that the plaintiff’s expert developed and was the
only one to use); Chapman v. Maytag Corp., 297 F.3d 682, 688
(7th Cir. 2002) (excluding expert opinions based on a theory
that was “novel and unsupported by any article, text, study,
scientific literature or scientific data produced by others in
[the expert’s] field.”).
My own review of the expert materials in this case confirms
not
only
unheard-of
that
by
Dr.
Lacefield’s
others
in
his
methodology
field,
but
is
untested
also
that
it
and
is
substantively unsound. Among its most salient flaws is his use
of
a
simplistic,
bivariate
model
to
test
for
discriminatory
impact. Dr. Lacefield explained that he “took the entire data
set” of loans and “subjected them to” his various delimiters.
Id. at 166:1-2. He then “evaluated whether the prevalence of
these
delimiters
using
statistical
significant
was
different
tests,”
difference,
and
for
if
he
White
there
and
was
“considered
minority
a
loans
statistically
loans
to
be
discriminatory on the basis of [the] delimiters if the loan for
a minority group was flagged with the delimiter more often than
the White group[.]” Lacefield Rpt., ECF 560-1 at ¶ 114.10 But
Dr. Lacefield explains that because a significant portion of
the loans in the data set did not contain information on the
10
33
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this analysis makes no attempt to control for numerous other
variables,
such
as
differences
in
borrowers’
debt-to-income
ratios (DTI), loan to value ratios (LTV), or credit score, which
even Dr. Lacefield recognized could account for the statistical
disparities he observed in the data. For example, Dr. Lacefield
admitted
that
differences
in
origination
outcomes
might
be
explained by differences in creditworthiness. Lacefield Tr., ECF
560-19 at 144:23-149:11 (identifying DTI, LTV, positive credit
history and other potential nondiscriminatory explanations for
disparities with respect to delimiter 1). See also Lacefield
Courchane Resp., ECF 560-15 at 14 (“I agree with Dr. Courchane’s
statement that many factors such as the cost of funds and sale
of mortgage loans to the secondary market, credit risk, down
payment levels, prepayment risk, and servicing costs can all
borrower’s race, he used census tract data to “estimate”
borrower race. That is, if the subject property was located in a
census tract with greater than 50% minority concentration, Dr.
Lacefield assumed that the loan was a minority loan for purposes
of evaluating disparities in the presence of these delimiters.
Lacefield Rpt. 560-1 at ¶ 117. As Dr. Lacefield acknowledged,
this methodology meant that white borrowers could have “ended up
on the list” of loans Dr. Lacefield created that “represented
situation where [defendants] had discriminated against the
borrowers.” Lacefield Tr. ECF 560-19 at 185:9-14. But Dr.
Courchane opines without contradiction from Dr. Lacefield that
“neighborhood demographics are not a valid or accepted way to
proxy of the race of actual borrowers.” Courchane Rpt., ECF 56011 at ¶ 85. Indeed, as Dr. Cowan’s analysis reflects, in a
“neighborhood category of majority minority (51%-70%), the
largest proportion of borrowers are White (41%), while only 24%
are either African-American or Hispanic,” illustrating why
inferring race based on census tract information is an
unreliable methodology. Id.
34
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impact mortgage loan prices.”).11
For that reason, all federal
financial agencies rely on multivariate regression analysis to
examine fair lending compliance. Courchane Rpt. ECF 560-11 at
¶ 60.12
Dr. Lacefield’s simplistic delimiter analysis also fails to
account
for
either
the
macroeconomic
or
the
individualized
reasons that he concedes influence the likelihood of borrower
default. See Courchane Rpt. ECF 560-11 at ¶¶ 17-18 (identifying
several “macroeconomic events during the period of study [that]
caused many borrowers to default on their loans” and observing
that
“it
is
well-recognized
that
the
reasons
individual
borrowers default and are unable to pay their mortgages is very
often the result of post-closing life events as they occur in
Dr. Lacefield goes on to state, “[h]owever my analysis focuses
on the primary factors that cause borrowers to default on their
mortgages.” Lacefield Courchane Resp., ECF 560-15 at 14. But
this statement merely assumes Dr. Lacefield’s conclusion that
the factors captured by his “delimiters” are the primary cause
of borrower default.
12
Dr. Lacefield does not meaningfully opine otherwise. The
County seizes on Dr. Lacefield’s testimony that “the interagency
guideline on fair housing, which covers OCC, OTS, the FFIEC,
FDIC, credit unions, it says you can use the multi-regression
analysis or other statistical methodologies.”) Pl.’s Resp. ECF
587 at 6, n.4 (quoting Lacefield Tr. ECF 560-19 at 133:22-134:6)
(plaintiff’s emphasis). But Dr. Lacefield’s reference to
provisions of the Federal Financial Institutions Examination
Council’s
(FFIEC)
Interagency
Fair
Lending
Examination
Procedures contemplating the use, “under an agency’s policy,” of
“other statistical methodologies” that employ “the agency’s
specialized procedures,” ECF 588-2 at PageID #16858, does not
establish general acceptance of Dr. Lacefield’s bivariate
delimiter methodology to evaluate fair lending compliance.
11
35
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the larger context of the economy”); Lacefield Courchane Resp.,
ECF 560-15 at 2 (agreeing that the macroeconomic factors Dr.
Courchane cites “had an impact on the high default rate and
foreclosures”). Dr. Lacefield claims that he “can tie most of
those
issues
back
to
the
appraisal,
origination,
and
underwriting.” Id. But even setting aside that I have already
foreclosed
recovery
defendants’
alleged
for
the
County
discrimination
was
on
the
the
prime
theory
mover
that
that
triggered the adverse macroeconomic events Dr. Courchane cites,
Dr. Lacefield’s stream-of-consciousness narrative in response to
Dr. Courchane’s opinions in this connection do not meaningfully
rebut them.13
The text following Dr. Lacefield’s assertion that he can tie
most
macroeconomic
issues
back
to
defendants’
conduct
illustrates the tenor of his response to Dr. Courchane’s
opinions. It reads as follows:
13
For example: 1. Borrowers lost home equity as
nationwide house prices fell [prices fell for a few
key reasons: over-valued collateral and the borrower
placed into homes they never really had the ability to
repay-or
maintain
led
to
multiple
foreclosuresreducing the value of the home-not the debt owed] and
they found it difficult to sell or refinance homes
[couldn’t sell because of the foreclosures in the
neighborhood, turning some properties into rentalsfurther depressing the market. People had to refinance
because of the tens of thousands of adjustable rate
mortgages Defendants ‘qualified’ borrowers for. Let’s
say after three years you had to refinance, get new
mortgage (home would value less than owed), or get a
new mortgage if they wanted if they wanted (sic) to
stay in the home][the problem with refinancing is the
requirement to have 20% equity or money down. Most
36
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Nor
is
Dr.
Lacefield’s
bivariate
delimiter
methodology
capable of accounting for the individualized reasons that some
of the borrowers whose loans he identifies as discriminatory
actually
defaulted
on
those
loans.
Of
the
87,311
loans
Dr.
Lacefield identifies as discriminatory, see Cox Decl., ECF 560
at ¶ 9, 33,465 contain borrower-reported information about the
reasons for default. Almost half of these (48.8%) attribute the
default to “reduction of income,” while another 11.7% reported
“unemployment” as the reason for default. Courchane Rpt., ECF
560-11, Table 8. Dr. Lacefield’s simplistic methodology does not
account for these factors or seek to show that the borrowers who
attributed their default to these concrete issues (or others
folks I know wouldn’t be able to come up with 1% of
the property value much less 20%. See statement above
for reasons market depressed.]. when they had loan
balances in excess of the market value of the home.
(sic)
The
house
price
declines
caused
many
foreclosures,[most of these foreclosures were from two
categories of borrowers: , (sic) first group of
borrowers were having to refinance out of an ARM
product and the second group of borrowers were placed
in loans they never had the ability to repay and
maintain] the (sic) as well as causing some borrowers
to turn to short sales (selling homes for less than
the outstanding loan balances) [because the homes were
overvalued to start with and other foreclosures in the
neighborhood]or strategic defaults (choosing not to
pay as they owed more than the home was worth). In
addition, rising unemployment rates across the country
led to high levels of job loss or to moves that were
required for job mobility.[Job loss created, in part,
because
a
large
number
of
these
families
had
employment tied in some fashion with the housing and
real estate environment].
37
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noted, such as illness and marital difficulties) would have been
any less likely to enter foreclosure if their loans or loan
histories had had none of the features corresponding to Dr.
Lacefield’s delimiters.
Dr.
Lacefield’s
only
response
to
the
evidence
of
these
individualized factors is his unsupported assumption that “over
time, all of these life experiences will happen to all families
regardless
of
their
race
and
ethnicity,
equally.”
Lacefield
Courchane Resp. ECF 560-19 at 2. But that assumption is “true
only if no other factor relevant to [those life experiences] is
correlated with [race],” Sheehan v. Daily Racing Form, Inc., 104
F.3d 940, 942 (7th Cir. 1997), and both of the County’s experts
testified that such correlations do exist. Lacefield Tr., ECF
560-19 at 249:14-21 (acknowledging that “the impact of loss of
employment is not going to fall equally on African-Americans and
Hispanics,” because “across the board, and throughout history,”
these
populations
frequently
than
suffer
whites);
post-closing
Cowan
Tr.,
ECF
unemployment
564-3
at
more
256:8-22
(acknowledging that some borrower “distress events” may affect
minorities
more
frequently
than
non-minorities).
See
also
Courchane Rpt., ECF 560-11 at ¶ 111 (loan data “shows that when
one
examines
racial/ethnic
the
groups,
same
loan
minority
product
borrowers
across
defaulted
different
at
higher
rates than non-Hispanic white borrowers who selected the same
38
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loan product. This means it was likely some factor other than
lender
conduct
that
caused
minority
borrowers
to
default
at
higher rates. Possible alternative factors include higher rates
of unemployment, higher rates of income reduction, lower levels
of liquid assets, and a host of other individualized factors.”)
(emphasis in original).
Finally, it is clear that Dr. Lacefield’s methodology does
not compare “similarly situated” borrowers as courts construe
that phrase when applying federal antidiscrimination laws. “To
raise an inference of discrimination, statistical comparators
must be directly comparable to the plaintiff in all material
respects,” Purtue v. Wisconsin Dep’t of Corr., 963 F.3d 598, 603
(7th Cir. 2020) (internal quotation marks and citation omitted).
See also Williams v. Bd. of Educ. of City of Chicago, 982 F.3d
495, 505 (7th Cir. 2020) (comparators must be “similar enough to
eliminate
confounding
variables”)
(citation
omitted).
In
the
context of fair lending, borrowers are similarly situated if
they have “similar underwriting and borrower characteristics.”
City of Oakland v. Wells Fargo & Co., 14 F.4th 1030, 1033 (9th
Cir. 2021).
At
his
deposition,
Dr.
Lacefield
agreed
that
all
peer-
reviewed articles say that “to conduct a statistical analysis of
lending
discrimination,”
the
populations
compared
had
to
be
similarly situated. Lacefield Tr., ECF 560-19 at 42:5-10. He
39
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stated that he respected this principle in his investigation by
applying “one underwriting factor or a series of underwriting
factors to the entire universe of...loans,” id. at 43:1-3, and
opined that “when you apply the same attribute across the board,
then you are treating everyone similarly and trying to determine
whether
or
not
based
upon
that
factor...there
is
a
discriminatory effect or impact.” Lacefield Tr., ECF 560-19 at
43:5-9. But testing all borrowers across the board is not the
same as ensuring that the borrowers being tested are similarly
situated. Dr. Lacefield may have done the former, but he did not
do the latter, which is what the law requires.
The County’s insistence that Dr. Lacefield accounted for
borrower characteristics such as FICO score, LTV ratios, and DTI
ratios is also misguided. See Resp., ECF 587 at 10-11. It is
true that Dr. Lacefield defined several of his delimiters by
those features. See Lacefield Rpt. at ¶¶ 103, 105-06. But he did
not control for those features when applying any of his other
delimiters
or
do
anything
to
isolate
and
account
for
their
impact on loan outcomes. This is a fatal methodological flaw in
a study intended to examine the relationship between a lender’s
race discrimination on the one hand and a borrower’s foreclosure
on the other. See Sheehan, 104 F.3d at 942 (7th Cir. 1997)
(excluding
potential
expert
opinion
explanatory
that
variables”
40
failed
other
“to
than
correct
race,
for
but
any
merely
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 41 of 58 PageID #:44917
“equat[ed]
a
simple
statistical
correlation
to
a
causal
relation.”). In short, Dr. Lacefield’s statistical analysis does
not
reflect
the
“care
that
a
statistician
would
use
in
his
scientific work, outside of the context of litigation.” Id.
The
foregoing
is
not
an
exhaustive
account
of
the
methodological and analytical flaws in Dr. Lacefield’s report,
but
rather
a
representative
illustration
of
its
insuperable
shortcomings. The problem is not, as the County contends, that
defendants’ experts disagree with Dr. Lacefield’s conclusions.
The problem is that Dr. Lacefield’s methodology has never been
used, much less approved, by anyone else in the field of fair
lending and is fundamentally incapable of generating statistical
data that would assist the jury in deciding whether there exists
a “robust causal connection” between defendants’ practices and
the
race-based
Accordingly,
disparate
impact
defendants’
the
motion
County
to
seeks
exclude
to
all
prove.
of
Dr.
Lacefield’s opinions is granted.
2. Dr. Cowan’s Liability Opinions
Dr. Cowan is an expert in statistical research and design
whom
the
initiated
than
on
Minority
County
engaged
foreclosures
White
to
on
borrowers;
borrowers,
and
examine
Minority
(ii)
(iii)
whether
defendants:
borrowers
issued
issued
higher
at
higher
cost
higher-risk
“(i)
rates
loans
to
products
to
Minority borrowers.” Cowan Rpt., ECF 564-1 at ¶¶ 1, 5. The loan
41
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population Dr. Cowan analyzed comprised approximately 365,000
loans “originated or purchased by Defendants.”
Id. ¶ 13. He
summarizes his opinions as follows:
Defendants foreclosed on Minority loans at higher
rates than on White loans, after controlling for
factors associated with the credit-risk profile of
the borrower.
Similarly,
foreclosure
rates
are
higher
neighborhoods
with
greater
concentration
minorities, controlling for those same factors.
Defendants charged higher Annual Percentage Rates
(APRs) to minority borrowers when compared to
similarly situated White borrowers.
In the same way, APRs are higher in neighborhoods
with a greater concentration of minorities.
Minority borrowers were issued higher-risk products
at higher rates than similarly situated White
borrowers.
In like fashion, the proportion of higher-risk
products is higher in neighborhoods with greater
concentration of minorities.
in
of
Id. at ¶ 3.
Defendants
raise
a
battery
of
arguments
targeting
the
methodology Dr. Cowan used to arrive at these conclusions. Their
most salient criticism is that Dr. Cowan analyzed loan data on
an aggregated basis, which is to say, across multiple lenders,
multiple
products,
and
multiple
decades—an
approach
that
Dr.
Cowan himself admits no agency or regulator uses to conduct fair
lending analyses. See Cowan Dep., ECF 564-3 at 247:5-8; 249: 16-
42
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23.
Indeed,
the
FFIEC
Interagency
Fair
Lending
Examination
Procedures, which establish the procedural framework for federal
agencies
to
use
when
conducting
fair
lending
examinations,
provide:
Examiners should tailor their sample and subsequent
analysis to the specific factors that the institution
considers when determining its pricing, terms, and
conditions. For example, while decisions on pricing,
and other terms and conditions are part of an
institution’s
underwriting
process,
general
underwriting criteria should not be used in the
analysis if they are not relevant to the term or
condition to be reviewed. Additionally, consideration
should be limited to factors which examiners determine
to be legitimate.
FFIEC, “Interagency Fair Lending Examination Procedures,”
ECF 564-9 at 22-23.
For example, in July of 2007, Sandra Braunstein, Director
of
the
Federal
Affairs,
that
Reserve’s
testified
agency’s
before
supervisory
Division
a
of
Consumer
congressional
and
enforcement
and
Community
subcommittee
activities
about
against
mortgage pricing discrimination. See Braunstein Stmt., ECF 5646.
At
the
practices
outset,
the
her
County
testimony
challenges
confirms
that
in
case—specifically,
this
some
of
the
“broad discretion in pricing by loan officers or brokers” and
“financial incentives for loan officers or brokers to charge
borrowers higher prices—are indeed “risk factors” for mortgage
discrimination.” Id. at 3. Importantly, however, she went on to
explain that determining whether these risk factors materialized
43
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into discrimination requires a “closer review” of a number of
product-
and
lender-specific
factors.
Id.
at
3,
4.
“To
be
accurate,” Braunstein testified,
our reviews need to be based on the institution’s
specific pricing policies and product offerings.
Unless we take the time to understand the lender’s
business and tailor our analysis accordingly, we risk
either missing violations or erroneously concluding
that a lender discriminated when it did not.
Id. at 4 (emphasis added). Thus, to ensure the reliability of
its
analysis,
designed
to
particular,
the
agency
conducts
“effectively
Braunstein
detect
explained,
“targeted
pricing
discrimination.”
when
using
reviews”
Id.
In
“statistical
techniques” to perform a pricing review,
we typically obtain extensive proprietary, loan-level
data on all mortgage loans originated by the lender,
including prime loans (i.e., not just higher-priced
loans reported under HDMA). To determine how to
analyze these data, we study the lender’s specific
business
model,
pricing
policies,
and
product
offerings. With respect to product offerings, we take
great care in defining the products or class of
products we analyze, since each product may have
different pricing that must be considered in the
analysis.
On the basis of our review of the lender’s policies,
we determine which factors from the lender’s data
should be considered. We then create a statistical
model that takes into account those factors and is
tailored to that specific lender.
Id. (emphasis added).
The County’s only response is to insist that an expert’s
methodology
need
not
“match
44
those
employed
by
federal
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 45 of 58 PageID #:44921
regulators” and to quote a portion of the FFIEC’s Interagency
Procedures stating that the Procedures are “intended to be a
basic and flexible framework to be used in the majority of fair
lending examinations conducted by the FFIEC agencies” and “to
guide examiner judgment, not to supplant it.” Pl.’s Resp., ECF
593 at 6. What these observations overlook, however, is that it
is
the
County’s
burden
to
establish
affirmatively
that
Dr.
Cowan’s methodology is reliable. To be sure, the fact that no
federal agency or regulator aggregates data as Dr. Cowan did
when conducting fair lending examinations is not dispositive of
reliability. See Smith v. Ford Motor Co., 215 F.3d 713, 720 (7th
Cir. 2000) (“no single factor among the traditional Daubert list
is conclusive in determining whether the methodology relied on
by a proposed expert is reliable.’). But plaintiff’s failure to
identify
anyone—any
professional
in
the
government
home
lending
agency,
any
industry,
any
compliance
academic
researcher or other commentator—who uses or endorses Dr. Cowan’s
aggregated
methodology,14
coupled
with
Braun’s
testimony
explaining that the Federal Reserve has found that “targeted,”
In response to Dr. Courchane’s report, Dr. Cowan states that
Dr. Courchane herself has published “a research paper that
assess (sic) pricing disparities by simultaneously aggregating
across lenders and time periods.” Cowan Resp., ECF 593-3 at
¶ 40. But this wholly conclusory reference to an article the
County does not even mention in its response brief falls far
short of demonstrating that Dr. Courchane (or anyone else) has
ever used aggregated data to perform a statistical analysis
intended to detect FHA violations by specific lenders.
14
45
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institution- and product-specific examinations are necessary to
avoid
either
undercounting
or
overcounting
instances
of
discrimination, casts significant doubt on the reliability of
his undifferentiated methodology.
And
indeed,
Dr.
Cowan’s
own
analysis
illustrates
why
aggregating loan data in the way that he does yields unreliable
results. For example, while four of the six opinions Dr. Cowan
offers
relate
to
putative
discrimination
in
defendants’
loan
origination practices—namely, perceived disparities in the APRs
charged on, and in the overall risk profiles of, loans issued to
minority borrowers and in minority neighborhoods versus those
issued to white borrowers and in white neighborhoods—the data
set Dr. Cowan analyzed includes a “significant” number of loans
originated by lenders other than defendants, which defendants
purchased post-origination. Cowan Dep., ECF 564-3 at 37:12-18.
Similarly,
his
originated
or
data
acquired
set
by
includes
defendants
loans
but
that
were
were
either
foreclosed
by
other (non-defendant) entities. Cowan Rpt., ECF 564-1 at ¶ 18.
It does not take an expert to understand that defendants could
not have discriminated in the origination of loans they did not
originate or in the foreclosure of loans they did not foreclose.
Although Dr. Cowan was unable to quantify the number of loans in
his data set that fell into one of the above categories, he
acknowledged that the number was likely “significant,” raising
46
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further
doubts
Nothing
in
about
either
the
the
reliability
County’s
or
of
Dr.
his
conclusions.
Cowan’s
responsive
submissions addresses this methodological flaw.
It
is
no
answer
to
complain
that
defendants’
data
production was inadequate to allow Dr. Cowan to weed out loans
originated or foreclosed by entities other than defendants, see
Cowan Dep., ECF 564-3 at 247:11-14 (“I was provided, at best, a
crippled data set that was missing a remarkable amount of data,
and I did the best I could with...an impoverished data set that
I had to supplement with third-party sources”), or to cast the
issue as a dispute concerning the “quality of the data” that is
best left for the jury, Pl.’s Resp., ECF 593 at 4. For one
thing, the County apparently believes that it was appropriate
for Dr. Cowan to consider loans originated by other lenders on
the
theory
that
defendants
either
detected
or
should
have
detected discrimination in those loans prior to purchasing them,
and
therefore
“have
knowingly
undertaken
the
discriminatory
loans.” Pl.’s Resp., ECF 593 at 8. But if there is any support
for this theory of FHA liability, the County has not cited it.15
For another, Dr. Cowan’s inclusion of loan data that is not
probative of defendants’ practices (as opposed to other lenders’
The County offers no legal theory or any conceptual
justification for Dr. Cowan’s inclusion of loans foreclosed by
non-defendant entities in his analysis supporting the conclusion
that defendants engaged in foreclosure discrimination.
15
47
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practices) in an analysis putatively designed to ascertain the
impact of defendants’ practices on various populations is indeed
a methodological flaw.
Defendants challenge Dr. Cowan’s opinions on a number of
other
grounds,
but
the
foregoing
issues
raise
sufficient
concerns about the reliability of his methodology to warrant
exclusion
of
his
disproportionate
testimony
foreclosure
about:
rates,
1)
and
defendants’
2)
defendants’
disproportionate issuance of higher-risk loans, and loans with
higher APR rates, to minority borrowers and in neighborhoods
with a high concentration of minority residents. Nevertheless, I
address one additional argument defendants raise with respect to
Dr.
Cowan’s
Daubert
analysis,
arguments
as
and
it
their
provides
broader
a
segue
arguments
between
their
targeting
the
County’s evidence of causation and damages.
3. Causation and damages
Defendants argue that Dr. Cowan should not be permitted to
offer any opinions on the issue of causation—specifically, that
his
testimony
causality”
cannot
required
be
to
offered
establish
in
support
disparate
of
the
impact
“robust
liability—
because he did not review any of defendants’ policies.16 See
The County raises a tepid factual challenge to this argument,
pointing to Dr. Cowan’s statement at his deposition that he
“looked at the comprehensive set of policies” in forming his
conclusions. Cowan Dep., ECF 606-1 at 29:7-8. This is a
16
48
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Inclusive Communities 576 U.S. at 542 (“a disparate-impact claim
that
relies
plaintiff
on
a
cannot
statistical
point
to
a
disparity
defendant’s
must
fail
policy
or
if
the
policies
causing that disparity. A robust causality requirement ensures
that ‘[r]acial imbalance ... does not, without more, establish a
prima
facie
case
of
disparate
impact’
and
thus
protects
defendants from being held liable for racial disparities they
did not create.”). Defendants argue that Dr. Cowan’s testimony
should be excluded because it would not help the jury determine
the legally relevant question, which is not simply whether the
County has established a statistical disparity, but whether it
has
shown
a
statistical
disparity
that
is
caused
by
“a
defendant’s policy or policies.” Inclusive Communities, 576 U.S.
at 542. See also Daubert 509 U.S. at 591 (expert testimony must
“assist
the
trier
of
fact
to
understand
the
evidence
or
to
determine a fact in issue.”) (quoting Fed. R. Evid. 702).
While defendants correctly characterize the relevant legal
question,
the
fact
that
Dr.
Cowan’s
opinions
do
not
wholly
answer it is not a basis for exclusion. See Adams v. Ameritech
Servs., Inc., 231 F.3d 414, 425 (7th Cir. 2000) (“the question
perplexing statement, given that in next breath Dr. Cowan stated
that he “didn’t look at” any of the policies he was asked about,
and that he elsewhere testified that didn’t look at any
servicing policies at all. Whatever Dr. Cowan may have meant by
this testimony, however, he identified nothing that could be
considered a “policy” of any defendant in the “Materials Relied
On” section of his expert report. See ECF 564-1.
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before us is not whether the reports proffered by the plaintiffs
prove the entire case... [n]o one piece of evidence has to prove
every element of the plaintiffs’ case; it need only make the
existence
of
probable.”)
any
fact
(internal
that
is
quotation
of
consequence
marks
and
more
citation
or
less
omitted).
Accordingly, I agree with the County that it may rely on other
evidence to establish the causal link between the statistical
disparity
Dr.
Cowan
identifies
(assuming
arguendo
that
his
opinions about those disparities are otherwise admissible) and
defendants’
agreement
on
allegedly
this
discriminatory
point
is
practices.17
undoubtedly
cold
But
my
to
the
comfort
County, since the only additional evidence it points to for that
purpose
is
Dr.
Lacefield’s
proposed
testimony,
which
as
I
explained above is itself inadmissible. Moreover, even assuming
that
both
experts’
opinions
survived
defendants’
Daubert
The County wisely does not contend that a jury could find
causation based on Dr. Cowan’s testimony alone. Dr. Cowan
explained his theory as follows: “My theory of causation is
simple. Two people, similarly situated, the primary difference
being that one is a minority and one is not a minority, are
charged different interest rates for housing loans. This results
in the minority paying hundreds or thousands of dollars more
over time for a loan. It follows that the minority has less
income for other purchases and in the event of an illness,
accident, or other catastrophe is more likely to default. The
borrower is more likely to default and is less likely to be able
to satisfy the terms of a workout.” Cowan Resp., ECF 593-3 at ¶
15. But this theory is based exclusively on loan origination
conduct, which as I explained in my decision dismissing the SAC,
cannot be deemed to have proximately caused the challenged
foreclosures.
17
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motions, the County articulates no reasoned argument to explain
how weaving their opinions together raises a triable issue of
causation.
But this is not the end of the County’s troubles on the
causation
front.
As
another
court
in
this
district
has
explained:
The “robust causality” required in a disparate impact
claim is distinct from the proximate cause analysis
required of all claims under the FHA per City of
Miami, 137 S. Ct. 1296. See Cty. of Cook, Illinois v.
Wells Fargo & Co., 314 F. Supp. 3d 975, 990, 994 (N.D.
Ill. 2018) (analyzing proximate cause and the robust
causality requirement separately); City of Miami v.
Bank of Am. Corp., 171 F. Supp. 3d 1314, 1320 (S.D.
Fla. 2016) (making an “adequate showing” of proximate
cause is insufficient to meet the separate “robust
causality requirement” for a disparate impact claim).
The former concerns whether a defendant’s conduct in
an FHA suit is properly pleaded as the proximate cause
of a plaintiff’s damages; the latter involves an
examination of whether a defendant’s policies were
properly pleaded as the cause of the discriminatory
impact. See Alston v. City of Madison, 853 F.3d 901,
907-08 (7th Cir. 2017), cert. denied sub nom. Alston
v. City of Madison, Wis., 138 S. Ct. 1571 (2018),
reh'g denied, 138 S. Ct. 2714 (2018).
Nat'l Fair Hous. All. v. Deutsche Bank Nat’l Tr., No. 18 CV
839, 2019 WL 5963633, at *17 (N.D. Ill. Nov. 13, 2019). My
discussion
above
addressing
the
methodological
flaws
in
the
statistical analyses of the County’s experts is directed to the
latter
issue
insufficient
causality”
and
to
explains
allow
between
a
why
the
reasonable
defendants’
51
County’s
jury
policies
to
and
evidence
find
any
is
“robust
race-based
Case: 1:14-cv-02280 Document #: 664 Filed: 02/10/22 Page 52 of 58 PageID #:44928
statistical
disparities
in
foreclosure
rates.
In
the
next
section, I address the former issue and conclude that the record
also
does
not
raise
a
reasonable
inference
that
defendants’
conduct proximately caused the injuries for which the County
seeks damages.
As
noted
at
the
outset
of
this
decision,
my
decisions
partially granting dismissal of the SAC and partially granting
the County’s subsequent motion for clarification spelled out the
“narrow category” of injuries for which the County had plausibly
alleged
the
sort
of
causal
link
that
would
satisfy
City
of
Miami’s proximate causation standard: “the out-of-pocket costs
it
claims
to
have
incurred
in
processing
the
discriminatory
foreclosures,” specifically: “additional funding for the Cook
County Sheriff to serve foreclosure notices and for the Circuit
Court of Cook County to process the deluge of foreclosures,” as
well
as
“out-of-pocket
costs
in
serving
eviction
notices,
conducting judicial and administrative foreclosure proceedings,
and registering and inspecting foreclosed properties.” Mem. Op.
and Order of 03/30/2018, ECF 20 at 19-20 and Order of 08/17/18,
ECF 228 at 1. Four years later, the County has come forward with
no evidence that it provided any “additional funding” to the
Sheriff’s Department, the Clerk of Court, or the Office of the
Chief Judge (the three offices it claims suffered compensable
losses as a result of defendants’ discrimination), nor does it
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identify a single “out-of-pocket” expense that it would not have
incurred in the absence of defendants’ alleged discrimination.
In fact, neither of the County’s damages experts identified any
County
costs
that
varied
as
a
function
of
the
number
of
foreclosures the County processed. Cowan Dep., ECF 573-96 at
80:17-81:3; Hildreth Dep., ECF 573-101 at 108:17-109:2.
To
the
contrary,
the
County’s
former
Chief
Financial
Officer examined the County’s budget documents and found that
these
offices’
appropriations
and
expenditures
remained
essentially stable from 2004 through 2018——the period for which
the County seeks damages—while residential foreclosures spiked
and then declined. See Report of Thomas Glaser, ECF 612-1 at
¶¶ 21-23.18 In other words, the budget documents show that the
The County asks me to exclude Mr. Glaser’s testimony as
unqualified and unreliable, but the motion is meritless. First,
Mr. Glaser’s education—he holds a B.S. in finance and an MBA—and
his experience working as an accountant, a high-level financial
executive, and the County’s own Chief Financial Officer for over
a dozen years—plainly qualify him to interpret the County’s
budget documents and to opine on what they show about the
County’s costs. Second, Mr. Glaser does not purport to “opine on
the appropriate damages methodology” as a legal matter, nor does
he offer opinions about “how to calculate damages for a
nonprofit governmental organization such as the County.” Pl.’s
Mot., ECF 590 at 4. Instead, he opines on the factual issue of
whether the County’s budget materials reflect any increase in
its appropriations or expenditures as a result of additional
foreclosures between 2004-2018. See Glaser Rpt. at ¶¶ 8(a),(b).
Mr.
Glaser’s
opinions
in
this
connection
are
neither
“subjective,” nor “speculative,” nor “unsupported.” Pl.’s Mot.,
ECF 590 at 6. Mr. Glaser generally describes the County’s annual
budget and appropriations process and other processes through
which County offices can request and receive additional funding
18
53
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County
experienced
no
material
increases
in
its
costs
as
a
result of increased foreclosures.
Unable to controvert evidence that the appropriations and
expenditures
for
each
of
these
offices
remained
stable
throughout the damages period, the County grudgingly admits as
much,
see
Pl.’s
expenditures
Mot.,
for
each
ECF
590
office
at
as
a
9
(“appropriations
whole
may
have
and
remained
somewhat stable”), then pivots to a newly-minted damages theory:
that
resources
were
“shifted”
or
“reallocated”
within
the
affected offices to cope with additional burdens occasioned by
the
challenged
foreclosures,
and
that
the
County
suffered
damages in the form of opportunity costs when these offices were
“forced
to
utilize
additional
their
foreclosures
limited
resources
resulting
to
from
process
the
Defendants’
discriminatory mortgage practices.” Pl.’s SJ Resp. ECF 622 at
39. But absent any evidence that the County failed to fund any
program, to pursue any initiative, or to provide any service as
a
result
of
an
internal
redistribution
of
resources,
no
if needed during the fiscal year. He then identifies the
materials he considered in forming his opinions and explains why
these materials are likely to contain evidence, if any exists,
of increases in the County’s costs. The County’s attack on Mr.
Glaser’s methodology is short on reasoned analysis and long on
bluster, challenging such trivialities as Mr. Glaser’s inability
to recall how many pages of deposition testimony he had review
and his failure to read the Illinois fee statute or some
unidentified “critical Chancery Court documents” in preparing
his report. These observations do not undermine the soundness of
the methodology he describes.
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reasonable
jury
could
find
that
it
suffered
any
compensable
injury that was proximately caused by defendants’ alleged FHA
violations.19
Indeed,
such
injuries—like
those
the
County
previously
claimed based on the alleged diminution of its tax digest but
later conceded involved no corresponding decrease in its tax
revenues—appear
to
be
entirely
“notional.”
See
Order
of
12/19/2019, ECF 423 at 4. Because an FHA damages claim sounds in
tort, Meyer v. Holley, 537 U.S. 280, 285 (2003), “general tort
principles govern the award and calculation of damages,” and
under those principles, “compensatory damages are designed to
place the plaintiff in a position substantially equivalent to
the one that he would have enjoyed had no tort been committed.”
Cty. of Cook v. Wells Fargo & Co., 335 F.R.D. 166, 170 (N.D.
Ill.
2020)
(quoting
Anderson
Grp.,
LLC
v.
City
of
Saratoga
Springs, 805 F.3d 34, 52 (2d Cir. 2015)). Because the County
acknowledges that its ledger (including the appropriations and
expenditures of the
costs)
was
not
three offices it claims had additional
affected
by
the
alleged
discrimination,
compensatory damages are unavailable.
But see Valencia v. City of Springfield, Illinois, No. 163331, 2020 WL 1265421, at *6 (C.D. Ill. Mar. 16, 2020) (denying
summary judgment without discussing proximate causation of the
organizational plaintiff’s FHA claim seeking a portion of its
employees’ salaries on the theory that their time was diverted
from the organization’s mission to combat the defendants’
alleged discrimination).
19
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Further, whatever the merits of the County’s “average cost
methodology” in principle, one thing is clear: the County’s cost
tabulations
necessary
ignore
to
injuries
As
ensure
that
analysis.
the
damages
that
satisfied
the
the
City
County
limitations
County
I
could
concluded
recover
only
were
for
of
Miami’s
proximate
causation
frankly
admits,
its
averaging
cost
methodology “captured all the County’s costs, including overhead
and shifted resources,” that were associated in any manner with
the
challenged
foreclosures.
Pl.’s
Resp.,
ECF
622
at
43
(emphasis added). In fact, fully a quarter of the damages it
seeks are overhead costs that include administrative and support
services, and some portion of these—though the County cannot say
how
much—is
entirely
unrelated
to
foreclosure
processing:
commissioner salaries, premiums for employee health insurance
and pensions, information technology, facilities management and
depreciation,
supplies,
and
the
like.
Conspicuously,
the
County’s own expert refers to these as “indirect costs” related
to foreclosure processing. Def.’s L.R. 56.1 Stmt., ECF 577 at
¶ 98. Yet, City of Miami “requires some direct relation between
the injury asserted and the injurious conduct alleged.” 137 S.
Ct. at 1306 (internal quotation marks and citation omitted). To
award the County damages for such overhead costs would surely
violate this principle.
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The County champions its cost averaging methodology as an
alternative to itemizing the incremental costs it incurred to
process the challenged foreclosures—an exercise it admits would
be
“administratively
unfeasible,
and
virtually
impossible[.]”
Pl.’s Resp., ECF 622 at 43. But this only underscores that the
damages the County seeks cannot be reconciled with the idea that
proximate causation turns, in part, on “an assessment of what is
administratively possible and convenient.” City of Miami, 137 S.
Ct. at 1306 (citation omitted). See also Kemper v. Deutsche Bank
AG, 911 F.3d 383, 392 (7th Cir. 2018) (“we use ‘proximate cause’
to
label
generically
the
judicial
tools
used
to
perform
an
inquiry that ultimately reflects ideas of what justice demands,
or of what is administratively possible and convenient”) (some
internal
quotation
marks
and
citations
omitted).
Lacking
any
feasible way to identify and segregate overhead costs that are
directly related to foreclosure processing, the County employed
a damages model that would make defendants responsible for a
portion of costs entirely unrelated to their conduct. The County
may not simply overlook City of Miami’s directness requirement
in exchange for administrative convenience.
It is true that the Supreme Court declined, in City of
Miami, “to draw the precise boundaries of proximate cause under
the FHA.” 137 S. Ct. 1306. But even its broad brush strokes in
that case make clear that a significant portion of the damages
57
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the
County
claims
amount
to
distant
“ripples
of
harm”
far
removed from defendants’ conduct. Id. at 1299. Accordingly, they
are not compensable under the statute.
III.
For the foregoing reasons, defendants’ motions to exclude
the
expert
testimony
of
Gary
Lacefield
and
the
liability
opinions of Charles Cowan are granted, as is their motion for
summary judgment. The County’s motion to exclude the testimony
of Thomas Glaser is denied.
ENTER ORDER:
_____________________________
Elaine E. Bucklo
United States District Judge
Dated: February 10, 2022
58
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