Democratic National Committee v. The Russian Federation et al
Filing
212
MEMORANDUM OF LAW in Support re: #211 MOTION to Dismiss Amended Complaint. . Document filed by Donald J. Trump For President, Inc.. (Attachments: #1 Exhibit 1, #2 Exhibit 2, #3 Exhibit 3, #4 Exhibit 4, #5 Exhibit 5, #6 Exhibit 6, #7 Exhibit 7, #8 Exhibit 8, #9 Exhibit 9, #10 Exhibit 10, #11 Exhibit 11, #12 Exhibit 12, #13 Exhibit 13)(Carvin, Michael)
Exhibit 6
Democratic National Committee v. Donald J. Trump for President, Inc., et al.
(No. 1:18-cv-3501-JGK-SDA)
9/4/2017
In Hacked D.N.C. Emails, a Glimpse of How Big Money Works The New York Times
https://nyti.ms/2abaqXw
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ELECTION 2016
In Hacked D.N.C. Emails, a Glimpse of
How Big Money Works
By NICHOLAS CONFESSORE and STEVE EDER
JULY 25, 2016
Last October, a leading Democratic donor named Shefali Razdan Duggal emailed a
sweetly worded but insistent list of demands to a staff member at the Democratic
National Committee.
Ms. Duggal wanted a reminder of how much she had raised for President
Obama and the Democrats (the answer: $679,650) and whether it qualified her for
the premium package of hotel rooms and V.I.P. invitations at the party’s convention
in Philadelphia. She asked whether she could have an extra ticket to Vice President
Joseph R. Biden’s holiday party, so she could bring her children. But most on her
mind, it seemed, was getting access to an exclusive November gathering at the White
House.
“Not assuming I am invited...just mentioning/asking, if in case, I am invited :),”
wrote Ms. Duggal, who was appointed by Mr. Obama to oversee the United States
Holocaust Memorial Museum and is married to a San Francisco financial executive.
“Might you have an intel?”
Ms. Duggal’s note was among 19,000 internal Democratic Party emails released
on Friday by WikiLeaks, setting off a frenzy on the eve of the party’s quadrennial
nominating convention and forcing the resignation of the party chairwoman, Debbie
Wasserman Schultz. Some of the emails revealed internal discussion by committee
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officials — obligated under party rules to remain neutral in the presidential primary
— about how to discredit Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, enraging some of his
supporters.
But the leaked cache also included thousands of emails exchanged by
Democratic officials and party fundraisers, revealing in rarely seen detail the
elaborate, ingratiating and often bluntly transactional exchanges necessary to
harvest hundreds of millions of dollars from the party’s wealthy donor class.
The emails capture a world where seating charts are arranged with dollar totals in
mind, where a White House celebration of gay pride is a thinly disguised occasion
for rewarding wealthy donors and where physical proximity to the president is the
most precious of currencies.
In a statement, Amy Dacey, the chief executive of the Democratic committee,
said the party had “engaged a record number of people in the political process” and
“adhered to the highest of standards.”
The emails reflect the struggles of midlevel staff members in a demanding
environment, seeking to bring in money at a steady clip while balancing demands
from donors and party officials.
Some messages suggest efforts by donors to gain access to prominent
Democratic officials on behalf of clients. In May, Lester Coney, an executive at a
Chicagobased financial services firm, emailed a party finance staff member seeking
a contact with “clout within the administration.” Mr. Coney appeared to be referring
to Gov. Mark Dayton, the governor of Minnesota.
“I have a very importance client/friend needed access with someone within the
administration,” Mr. Coney wrote. “So I promise him I would investigate.”
The staff member appeared worried about the request, writing “No idea what to
tell him here,” to the party’s national finance director, Jordan Kaplan, an Obama
campaign veteran with deep ties to Midwestern donors.
“I told him to call rt,” Mr. Kaplan replied, referring to R.T. Rybak, a Democratic
committee vicechairman and former mayor of Minneapolis.
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Mr. Rybak, in response to questions from The New York Times on Sunday, said
he never heard from Mr. Coney.
“I have no idea what this person wanted but the request was never made to me,”
Mr. Rybak wrote in an email. “If it had been, I would not have made such a call.” Mr.
Coney told The Times that he did not end up speaking to anyone in Minnesota about
the query, which he said had been routine. He said he had sought the contact for a
friend’s client, whom he declined to name.
The leaked emails span the period from January 2015 to late May of this year,
during which Mr. Obama was the party’s chief fundraising draw but the Democratic
National Committee was beginning to raise money jointly with the party’s presumed
future nominee, Mrs. Clinton. Many revolve around donors’ efforts to qualify for top
packages at the convention that begins Monday in Philadelphia. Donors who raise
$1.25 million for the party — or who give $467,000 — are entitled to priority
booking in a top hotel, nightly access to V.I.P. lounges and an “exclusive roundtable
and campaign briefing with highlevel Democratic officials,” according to a
promotional brochure obtained by The Times.
For some donors, Mr. Obama’s personal presence was most important. In an
exchange in May, committee finance staff members debated how to preserve a
$350,000 fundraiser to be hosted by Carol Goldberg, an artist, and her husband,
Hank Goldberg, a real estate executive. The Goldbergs had been eager to host Mr.
Obama at their home, in Chevy Chase, Md. But after White House officials
concluded that the extra drive was not a good use of Mr. Obama’s time, aides
discussed proposing to the family that they could instead host with other donors an
event at the Jefferson Hotel, a luxury establishment near the White House.
Another staff member, given the task of letting the Goldbergs down, knew they
would be disappointed. “I think the excitement of hosting at home was a big factor,”
he wrote. The Goldbergs pulled out of the fundraiser.
In some cases, the party offered donors the chance to join “roundtables” —
meetings for major givers disguised as highminded discussions of national
economic and social policy, where wealthy givers are treated as savants and sages.
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“Wonderful event yesterday,” Robert Pietrzak, a New York lawyer and top
Obama fundraiser, wrote to a committee fundraiser after he participated in an
event with Mr. Obama in May. “A lot of foreign policy, starting with my question on
China. The President was in great form.”
As is common in national politics, Democratic staff members kept detailed track
of every dollar contributed by targeted donors, aiming to get each of the wealthiest
givers to “max out,” or contribute the maximum legal amount to each party account.
The biggest national donors were the subject of entire dossiers, as fundraisers tried
to gauge their interests, annoyances and passions.
“Jon has an off and on again relationship with the DNC. He does not like DWS
and feels we don’t invite him to enough things,” read one memo, about Jon Stryker,
a prominent gay donor and heir to a medical supply fortune, referring to the
committee’s chairwoman, Ms. Wasserman Schultz.
Few details of fundraising events were too small to escape notice. Reviewing
one seating chart, staff members debated whether to seat Philip Munger, the son of
the Berkshire Hathaway billionaire Charles Munger Sr., next to Mr. Obama at a May
round table. Mr. Munger was the largest donor to Mr. Obama’s political group,
Organizing for Action, and a huge potential source of money for the committee.
The alternative was Sreedhar Potarazu, a Maryland ophthalmologist whose
family members were already major Democratic donors, and who appears to have
alienated some within the committee for his persistence. In his push to meet with
Mr. Obama, Mr. Potarazu had apparently shared with party officials the story of his
battle with cancer, a tactic that some of them viewed as crass.
“The Potarazu family has written $332,250 to us since ’13. Munger has written
$100,600 (and that’s only if you reach back to 2008),” wrote a committee official in
charge of midAtlantic fundraising. “I don’t understand why we’d be rewarding
someone for giving to OFA over us. I also don’t understand why everyone seems to
hate Sreedhar so much.”
Mr. Kaplan was firm. “Phil Munger is one of the largest democratic donors in
the country,” he said. “He is looking to give his money in new places and I would like
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that to be to us.”
Though some of the leaked emails are highly critical of Mr. Sanders, others
show the party’s fundraisers seeking to avoid any appearance that Mr. Obama was
favoring Mrs. Clinton. When the party invited John A. Braun, a Virginiabased
defense contractor, to what was billed as a discussion with Mr. Obama on economic
issues in May, Mr. Braun informed the Democratic committee that he had already
written a large check to the party through a fundraiser held jointly with Mrs.
Clinton.
“Could I try to strike a deal with him and push for $20k or $15k so he feels like
he’s getting a discount for his past support?” a staff member wrote to Mr. Kaplan.
“I’ll pitch him on doing a second max out to get the main line package. I just don’t
know him and am worried about striking out if he won’t do the full.”
Party officials ultimately concluded that Mr. Braun would first have to give or
raise additional money for the party, to avoid the appearance that Mr. Obama’s
events were helping raise money for Mrs. Clinton. As they looked to maximize
opportunities to bring in money, the party’s fundraisers also grappled with delicate
personal considerations among the Obama family, who were unenthusiastic about
the demands of wooing donors.
There was, however, one potential way to interest Mr. Obama in donor
maintenance. In May, Mr. Kaplan emailed each of his regional fundraising directors
with a request: Send the names of donors who would be good golf partners for the
president. Mr. Obama, it seemed, was looking to hit the links on his upcoming trips.
“Laugh as you may at this because I did — but if you had to pick people from
your regions to play golf with POTUS, who would they be?” Mr. Kaplan wrote.
Kitty Bennett contributed research.
Find out what you need to know about the 2016 presidential race today, and get
politics news updates via Facebook, Twitter and the First Draft newsletter.
A version of this article appears in print on July 26, 2016, on Page A11 of the New York edition with the
headline: Hacked Emails Reveal How the Party Favors Flow to Wealthy Donors.
https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/26/us/politics/dncwikileaksemailsfundraising.html?mcubz=0
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© 2017 The New York Times Company
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