Corman et al v. Torres et al

Filing 1

VERIFIED COMPLAINT against All Defendants ( Filing fee $400, Receipt Number 0314-4346608) filed by Scott Perry, Michael Folmer, Lou Barletta, Glenn Thompson, Keith Rothfus, Ryan Costello, Lloyd Smucker, Jacob Corman, Mike Kelly, Tom Marino. (Attachments: # 1 Civil Cover Sheet, # 2 Exhibit(s) Part 1 of 3, # 3 Exhibit(s) Part 2 of 3, # 4 Exhibit(s) Part 3 of 3)(ve)

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IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE MIDDLE DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA
:
:
JACOB CORMAN, in his official
:
capacity as Majority Leader of the
:
Pennsylvania Senate, MICHAEL
:
FOLMER, in his official capacity as
:
Chairman of the Pennsylvania Senate
:
State Government Committee, LOU
:
:
BARLETTA, RYAN COSTELLO,
MIKE KELLY, TOM MARINO, SCOTT :
:
PERRY, KEITH ROTHFUS, LLOYD
:
SMUCKER, and GLENN THOMPSON, :
:
Plaintiffs,
:
:
:
v.
:
:
ROBERT TORRES, in his official
:
capacity as Acting Secretary of the
:
Commonwealth, and JONATHAN M.
:
:
MARKS, in his official capacity as
:
Commissioner of the Bureau of
Commissions, Elections, and Legislation, :
:
:
Defendants.
:
:

No.
(filed electronically)
THREE JUDGE COURT
REQUESTED PURSUANT TO
28 U.S.C. § 2284(a)

VERIFIED COMPLAINT
Plaintiffs Jacob Corman, Michael Folmer (the “State Plainiffs”), Lou Barletta,
Ryan Costello, Mike Kelly, Tom Marino, Scott Perry, Keith Rothfus, Lloyd
Smucker and Glenn Thompson (the “Federal Plaintiffs”) (collectively, the
“Plaintiffs”), by and through their undersigned counsel, bring this Verified

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Complaint for Injunctive relief against Defendants Robert Torres, Acting Secretary
of the Commonwealth, and Jonathan M. Marks, Commissioner of the Bureau of
Commissions, Elections, and Legislation (collectively, the “Defendants”), and in
support thereof aver as follows:
I.

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
1.

This is an action concerning, inter alia, the Pennsylvania Supreme

Court’s striking of a validly-enacted congressional districting plan and issuance of a
substitute plan, each action in direct violation of the Elections Clause of the United
States Constitution (the “Elections Clause”).
2.

The Elections Clause provides, in relevant part, that “[t]he Times,

Places and Manner” of holding congressional elections “shall be prescribed in each
State by the Legislature thereof[,]”or by an act of Congress. See U.S. Const. art. I, §
4, cl. 1.
3.

As detailed herein, the Elections Clause vests Pennsylvania’s General

Assembly (or the people by way of constitutional amendment) with exclusive
authority to enact a Congressional districting plan, see Arizona State Leg. v. Arizona
Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 135 S. Ct. 2652 (2015), and mandates that the General
Assembly be afforded an “adequate opportunity” to craft a substitute plan should an
initial plan be stricken for any reason. See Upham v. Seamon, 456 U.S. 37 (1982).

2

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4.

As detailed herein, by Order dated January 22, 2018 the Pennsylvania

Supreme Court struck down the Pennsylvania Congressional Redistricting Act of
2011, 25 P.S. §§ 3596.101, et seq. (the “2011 Plan”) as unconstitutional based upon
its purported violation of “mandatory” districting criteria found nowhere within
Pennsylvania’s Constitution or legislative enactments – a direct violation of the
Elections Clause (as noted by multiple Justices of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court).
5.

Thereafter, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court compounded the violation

by failing to afford the General Assembly the requisite “adequate opportunity” to
craft a substitute Congressional districting plan–another direct violation of the
Elections Clause (as noted by multiple Justices of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court).
Instead, the court was plainly intent on usurping the General Assembly’s delegated
authority and crafting a plan of its own (which it has now done).
6.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s violations of the Elections Clause

cannot be countenanced.
7.

Plaintiffs seek immediate injunctive relief: (A) prohibiting Defendants

from implementing the Congressional districting plan recently crafted by the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court; and (B) directing the Pennsylvania Department of
State to conduct the 2018 May congressional primary and subsequent general
election in accordance with the boundaries contained within the 2011 Plan.

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Inasmuch as nominating petitions for the 2018 primary are due to be circulated on
February 27, Plaintiffs’ need for relief is immediate.
II.

JURISDICTION AND VENUE
8.

Because this action alleges a violation of the United States Constitution,

see U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1, and federal law, see 52 U.S.C. §§ 20301, et seq., it
raises a federal question, thereby conferring jurisdiction on this Court pursuant to
28 U.S.C. § 1331.
9.

Venue is proper in the Middle District of Pennsylvania under 28 U.S.C.

§ 1391(b)(1), since Defendants reside in the district; alternatively venue is proper
under Section 1391(b)(2) because a substantial portion of the events or omissions
giving rise to the present claim occurred in the district. See id. at § 1391(b)(2).
10.

A three judge district court is requested pursuant to 28 U.S.C.

§ 2284(a), as Plaintiffs’ action “challeng[es] the constitutionality of the
apportionment of congressional districts.” in Pennsylvania.
III.

PARTIES
11.

Plaintiff, Jacob Corman, is an elected member of the Pennsylvania

Senate who represents the 34th Senatorial District. He is also the Majority Leader of
the Pennsylvania Senate. The Pennsylvania Senate is one of the two chambers of the
Pennsylvania General Assembly, which is vested with the legislative authority of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The Pennsylvania General Assembly, of which
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Plaintiff is a member, is the body responsible for passing legislative enactments
including redistricting and reapportionment legislation.
12.

Plaintiff, Michael Folmer, is an elected member of the Pennsylvania

Senate who represents the 48th Senatorial District. He is also the Chairman of the
Senate State Government Committee, a Committee entrusted with, among other
things, Congressional redistricting. The Pennsylvania General Assembly, of which
Plaintiff is a member, is the body responsible for passing legislative enactments
including redistricting and reapportionment legislation.
13.

Plaintiff Lou Barletta is a Congressman representing the 11th

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Barletta’s District will be substantially altered by the
Congressional districting plan recently crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.
14.

Plaintiff Ryan Costello is a Congressman representing the 6th

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Costello is currently running for reelection in the 6th
Congressional District, which has drastically changed due to the actions of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Under the Congressional districting plan recently
crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, approximately 50% of the 6th district
encompasses new constituents and divides communities that he has served for years.
For example, in the new map, almost the entirety of Berks County will reside in a
5

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different district and the Township of Exeter will now be split. This has destroyed
any incumbency advantage that Congressman Costello may have once held and the
Congressman’s District now contains a majority of voters from the Democratic
Party, where it once was a majority Republican district. He has been actively
campaigning for reelection, having participated in numerous forums and town-hall
meetings, and raising over $1.6 million for his candidacy. Congressman Costello
spent approximately $450,000 for his re-election in 2017, of which over $220,000
was spent in efforts to engage with voters he will no longer represent.1 Congressman
Costello is currently providing services to 325 constituents in order to resolve
various issues with the federal government. Approximately 144 of these constituents
will find themselves in new districts which will likely delay the resolution of those
issues.
15.

Plaintiff Mike Kelly is a Congressman representing the 3rd

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Kelly is currently running for reelection in the 3rd
Congressional District, which has drastically changed due to the actions of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Under the Congressional districting plan recently
crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, the Congressman’s district now

1

All figures reflecting dollars spent or raised toward reelection efforts are available
at the FEC website. See
https://classic.fec.gov/finance/disclosure/candcmte_info.shtml.
6

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contains a majority of voters from the Democratic party, where it once was a
majority Republican district (interestingly, this is despite the fact that the core of the
Congressman’s district remained more intact than any other district). He has been
actively campaigning for reelection, having participated in numerous forums and
town-hall meetings, and raising over $1.1 million for his candidacy. Congressman
Kelly, through his committee, spent approximately $490,000 for his reelection in
2017, much of which was spent in efforts to engage with voters he will no longer
represent.
16.

Plaintiff Thomas “Tom” Marino is a Congressman representing the 10th

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Marino is currently running for reelection in the 10th
Congressional District, which has drastically changed due to the actions of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Under the Congressional districting plan recently
crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, Congressman Marino will no longer
represent 30% of the residents from his current district if the new map takes effect.
He has been actively campaigning for reelection, having participated in numerous
forums and town-hall meetings, and raising over $160,000 for his candidacy.
Congressman Marino, through his committee, spent approximately $140,000 for his
reelection in 2017, much of which was spent in efforts to engage with voters he will
no longer represent.
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17.

Plaintiff Scott Perry is a Congressman representing the 4th

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Perry is currently running for reelection in the 4th
Congressional District, which has drastically changed due to the actions of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Under the Congressional districting plan recently
crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, Congressman Perry will only represent
59% of the voters from his previous district. As such, the new map destroys any
incumbent advantage he enjoyed under the previous plan. For example, the new map
removes Adams County entirely and the vast majority of York County from his
district. He has been actively campaigning for reelection, having participated in
numerous forums and town-hall meetings, and raising over $319,000 for his
candidacy. Congressman Perry, through his committee, spent approximately
$150,000 for his reelection in 2017, much of which was spent in efforts to engage
with voters he will no longer represent. Congressman Perry is currently providing
services to 260 constituents in order to resolve various issues with the federal
government. These constituents reside primarily in York and Adams Counties, York
being the current population center of his district. The new map removes Adams
County entirely and the vast majority of York County from his district and, therefore,
these constituents will find themselves in new districts which will inevitably delay
the resolution of those issues.
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18.

Plaintiff Keith Rothfus is a Congressman representing the 12th

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Rothfus is currently running for reelection in the 12th
Congressional District, which has drastically changed due to the actions of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Under the Congressional districting plan recently
crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, the Congressman will now represent
only 55% of his current constituents in this new district. Because of these changes
the Congressman will lose any incumbency advantage he had previously held. In
fact, the Congressman’s district has become substantially more Democratic than
before. The Congressman’s old district had a 5.5% Democratic registration
advantage. The new plan has a 13.8% Democratic registration majority. He has been
actively campaigning for reelection, having participated in numerous forums and
town-hall meetings, and raising over $900,000 for his candidacy. Congressman
Rothfus, through his committee, spent approximately $270,000 for his reelection in
2017 much of which was spent in efforts to engage with voters he will no longer
represent.
19.

Plaintiff Lloyd Smucker is a Congressman representing the 16th

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Smucker is currently running for reelection in the
16th Congressional District, which has drastically changed due to the actions of the
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Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Under the Congressional districting plan recently
crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, the Congressman would represent only
68% of the constituents from his previous district, which destroys any incumbency
advantage he once had. He has been actively campaigning for reelection, having
participated in numerous forums and town-hall meetings, and raising over $450,000
for his candidacy. Congressman Smucker, through his committee, spent
approximately $290,000 for his reelection in 2017, much of which was spent in
efforts to engage with voters he will no longer represent.
20.

Plaintiff Glenn Thompson is a Congressman representing the 5th

Congressional District of Pennsylvania in the United States House of
Representatives. Congressman Thompson is currently running for reelection in the
5th Congressional District, which has drastically changed due to the actions of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Under the Congressional districting plan recently
crafted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, the Congressman will represent only
57% of his previous constituents, which destroys any incumbency advantage he once
had. He has been actively campaigning for reelection, having participated in
numerous forums and town-hall meetings, and raising over $650,000 for his
candidacy. Congressman Thompson, through his committee, spent approximately
$530,000 for his reelection in 2017, much of which was spent in efforts to engage
with voters he will no longer represent.
10

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21.

Defendant, Robert Torres, is Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth,

the chief administrative officer of the Pennsylvania Department of State (the
“Department”). Defendant Torres is a party in his official capacity.
22.

Among other things, the Department is responsible for overseeing

elections in the Commonwealth and ensuring that such elections are conducted
consistent with the Pennsylvania Election Code, and all other duly enacted laws. See
25 P.S. §§ 2621-26.
23.

Defendant, Jonathan Marks, is the Commissioner of the Bureau of

Commissions, Elections and Legislation (the “Bureau”), a key constituent of the
Department tasked with, inter alia, carrying out the all duties relative to elections
identified in the preceding paragraph. Defendant Marks is a party in his official
capacity.
IV.

FACTUAL ALLEGATIONS
A.

The 2011 Plan And Challenge Thereto

24.

On December 22, 2011, the 2011 Plan was signed into law following

the decennial congressional reapportionment. See 25 P.S. §§ 3596.101, et seq.
25.

Since its enactment, the Department has conducted seven elections

under the 2011 Plan (three primary elections, three general elections, and one special
election).

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26.

In June 2017, various individuals (collectively, the “Petitioners”)

brought an action in the Commonwealth Court of Pennsylvania challenging the 2011
Plan on various state constitutional grounds (the “Challenge”).
27.

Joseph Scarnati III, the President Pro Tempore of the Pennsylvania

Senate and Michael Turzai, the Speaker of the Pennsylvania House of
Representatives were two of the named respondents to that Challenge (collectively,
the “Legislative Respondents”).
28.

Prior to June 2017, the 2011 Plan had not been challenged in any state

or federal court.
29.

In the Challenge, Petitioners argued that the 2011 Plan violated: (a) the

Equal Protection provisions of the Pennsylvania Constitution; see Pa. Const. art. I
§§ 1 & 26; (b) the Free and Equal Elections Clause of the Pennsylvania Constitution;
see id. at § 5; and (c) their rights to free expression and association under the
Pennsylvania Constitution. See id. at § 7.
B.

The Supreme Court’s Granting of Extraordinary Relief, And The
Proceedings Before The Commonwealth Court

30.

In October 2017, upon a Motion by Legislative Respondents, the

Commonwealth Court stayed the Challenge pending a decision from the United
States Supreme Court in Gill v. Whitford, No. 16-1161 (U.S.) (argued Oct. 3, 2017).
31.

Petitioners subsequently filed an application for extraordinary relief in

the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.
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32.

On November 9, 2017, in a per curiam Order joined by only four of the

seven justices, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court granted the application, assumed
plenary jurisdiction over the Challenge, and remanded the matter to the
Commonwealth Court with instructions to take all necessary steps to develop an
evidentiary record and to submit its findings of fact and recommended conclusions
of law by December 31, 2017. A copy of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s
November 9, 2017 Order is attached hereto as Exhibit A.
33.

The Commonwealth Court conducted proceedings and submitted a

report on December 29, 2017, finding that the 2011 Plan was driven by certain
partisan motives, but concluding that it complied with Pennsylvania’s Constitution.
In so concluding, the Commonwealth Court recognized that a judicially manageable
standard for differentiating between permissible and impermissible partisan
considerations had not been identified. In the absence of such a rubric, the
Commonwealth Court opined that it would be inappropriate to invalidate the 2011
Plan.
34.

Shortly thereafter, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ordered expedited

briefing, and heard argument with regard to the Challenge on January 17, 2018.
C.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s January 22, 2018 Orders And
Attendant Statements

35.

By Per Curiam Order dated January 22, 2018, the Pennsylvania

Supreme Court determined that the 2011 Plan violated Pennsylvania’s Constitution,
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and enjoined its use in connection with the upcoming primary election scheduled for
May 15, 2018. A copy of the January 22, 2018 Per Curiam Order (“PCO”) is attached
hereto as Exhibit B.
36.

The PCO afforded Pennsylvania’s General Assembly 18 days (14

business days) to submit to Pennsylvania’s Governor for consideration “a
congressional districting plan that satisfies the requirements of the Pennsylvania
Constitution, …” as set forth by the Court and afforded the Governor another six
days thereafter to decide whether to “accept” such plan and submit it to the Court.
Id. at 2 (paragraph “Second”).
37.

The PCO also stated that if: (a) the General Assembly did not submit a

plan to the Governor; or (b) the Governor did not accept that plan by February 15,
2018, the Court would create its own plan. Id. (paragraph “Third”).
38.

While the PCO advised that an “[o]pinion [would] follow,” id. at 3, it

noted: “[T]o comply with this Order, any congressional districting plan shall consist
of: congressional districts composed of compact and contiguous territory; as nearly
equal in population as practicable; and which do not divide any county, city,
incorporated town, borough, township, or ward, except where necessary to ensure
equality of population.” Id. (paragraph “Fourth”).
39.

The PCO was accompanied by two Dissenting Statements, one issued

by Chief Justice Saylor and another by Justice Mundy, as well as a Concurring and
14

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Dissenting Statement issued by Justice Baer. Copies of these Statements are attached
hereto as Exhibits C, D and E, respectively.
40.

Chief Justice Saylor, in dissent, cited the Elections Clause, noting that

“[t]he crafting of congressional district boundaries is quintessentially a political
endeavor assigned to state legislatures by the United States Constitution.” Exhibit
C at 2 (citing U.S. Const. art. 1, § 4).
41.

The Chief Justice further explained: “I would not presently upset those

districts, in such an extraordinarily compressed fashion, and without clarifying – for
the benefit of the General Assembly and the public – the constitutional standards by
which districting is now being adjudged in Pennsylvania.” Id. at 3.
42.

Justice Mundy, in dissent, also cited the Elections Clause, explaining:

“In my view, the implication that this Court may undertake the task of drawing a
congressional map on its own raises a serious federal constitutional concern.”
Exhibit D at 2 (citing U.S. Const. art. 1, § 4) (emphasis added); see also id. at 3.
43.

Further, she explained that “[t]he Court’s order fails to give essential

guidance to the General Assembly and the Governor, or this Court on how to create
a constitutional, non-gerrymandered map.” Id. at 2; see also id. (expressing “concern
with the vagueness of the Court’s [PCO].”).
44.

In

his

Concurring

and

Dissenting

Statement,

Justice

Baer

“recognize[ed] that redistricting is a legislative function.” Exhibit E at 2 (citing
15

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Butcher v. Bloom, 203 A.2d 556, 559 (Pa. 1964) (“The task of reapportionment is
not only the responsibility of the Legislature, it is also a function which can be best
accomplished by that elected branch of government.”)).
45.

He voiced serious concerns about the disruption, “if not chaos,” that he

foresaw occurring in the event that the 2011 Plan was not utilized in connection with
the upcoming elections, id. at 2-4, and thus stated his belief that it would be “more
prudent to apply our holding in this case to the 2020 election cycle, which would
allow ample time for our sister branches of government to comply with our holding
with guidance from our forthcoming opinion …” Id at 4.
46.

Justice Baer also indicated his concerns with the Court’s contemplated

process, i.e. his due process concerns resulting from such contemplated procedure.
Id.2

2

Nor are the named Plaintiffs and the dissenting Justices the only parties concerned
about the Constitutional crisis precipitated by the PCO and the subsequent orders.
The Wall Street Journal’s Opinion page describes the Supreme Court’s “unvarnished
political hubris” in invading legislative territory as nothing less than a “judicial coup
d’etat” that could have implications far beyond the Commonwealth. See Wall Street
Journal, Wall Street Journal, February 21, 2018,
https://www.wsj.com/articles/pennsylvanias-redistricting-coup1519170870?emailToken=37a2f67f915bf9741c577d67a4d02dcaCts5XER0BS8Sy
oWQwetedrCc5qpScfIhwcNZF1WQ4IaWh7nBecSLgqXfx8jxRbp4VdReJqCARjs
1KhIMzDjT%2Fg%3D%3D (last visited Feb 21, 2018). Allowing a successful
power grab by the Supreme Court here provides a road map and precedent for other
state’s high courts to continue on this dangerous vector.
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47.

As a result, only four of the seven Justices of the Pennsylvania Supreme

Court agreed with the PCO’s remedy requiring that the newly crafted Congressional
districting plan go into effect prior to the 2018 primary election cycle.3
D.

The Legislative Process In Pennsylvania

48.

The PCO’s requirement that the General Assembly pass a law in only

18 days created an impossible task for the General Assembly.
49.

The legislative authority of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania is

vested in the General Assembly, which consists of a State Senate and a State House
of Representatives. See Pa. Const. art. II, § 1.
50.

Article III of Pennsylvania’s Constitution governs the lawmaking

process generally and, as relevant herein, includes the following requirements:
a. No law may be enacted unless it is passed in the form of a “bill;” Pa.
Const. art. III, § 1;
b. A bill may not be considered unless it is “referred to a committee,”
and “printed for the use of the members[;]” Pa. Const. art III, § 2;

Similarly, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette’s Editorial Board opined that the Supreme
Court “mishandled virtually every ... aspect of the case. It gave the Legislature an
unrealistic timetable for drawing a new map — as Justice Baer noted — and its
decision to craft its own was a naked usurpation of the Legislature’s authority over
the redistricting process.” Map of Confusion: The Supreme Court moved too fast
on new districts, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, February 21, 2018, http://www.postgazette.com/opinion/editorials/2018/02/21/Map-of-confusion-The-Supreme-Courtmoved-too-fast-on-new-districts/stories/201802280036 (last visited Feb 21, 2018).
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c. A bill cannot become law unless it is “considered on three different
days in each House” and “on its final passage the vote [on the bill]
is taken by yeas and nays[;]” Pa. Const. art. III, § 4; and
d. On final passage, “[t]he names of the persons voting for and against”
the bill must be entered in the official journal, which must show that
“a majority of the members elected to each House” voted in its favor.
Id.
51.

Article III of Pennsylvania’s Constitution also requires all legislative

enactments to be submitted to the Governor for his approval before they become
effective. See Pa. Const. art. III, § 9.
52.

The foregoing provision, however, affords the General Assembly the

power to override a gubernatorial veto upon the vote of two-thirds of both chambers
of the General Assembly. See id.
53.

Article IV, § 15 of the Pennsylvania Constitution – which further

explicates the process for vetoing legislation and, if necessary, overriding such a
veto – grants the Governor ten days to consider a bill and decide whether to exercise
the power. See Pa. Const. art. IV, § 15.
54.

Collectively, these provisions of the Pennsylvania Constitution

establish numerous requirements attendant to the passage of any legislation in
Pennsylvania, including any legislation contemplated by the PCO.

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E.

The General Assembly’s Efforts To Comply With The Supreme
Court’s January 22, 2018 Order

55.

Shortly after entry of the PCO, Legislative Respondents sought a stay

from the Pennsylvania Supreme Court because, among other things, the PCO did not
provide sufficient guidance regarding what criteria a new map would need to satisfy
to comply with Pennsylvania’s Constitution.
56.

Legislative Respondents also explained that the Order provided

inadequate time to enact a new map.
57.

The application for a stay was denied.

58.

On January 29, 2018, notwithstanding the Pennsylvania Supreme

Court's failure to issue an opinion in support of the PCO, Senate Bill 1034 (“SB
1034”) was introduced.
59.

SB 1034 was a shell bill intended to initiate the legislative process to

enable the General Assembly to comply with the PCO.
60.

Then, in order to further facilitate the legislative process, on February

6, 2018 Legislative Respondents met with Governor Wolf to discuss new
congressional districting legislation.
61.

On February 9, 2018, Legislative Respondents presented Governor

Wolf with a new Congressional districting plan which, if it met with the Governor’s
approval, would form the basis legislation to be embarked upon the following week
(via SB 1034).
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62.

Governor Wolf waited four days, until February 13, to respond to

Legislative Respondents regarding whether he would agree to their proposal.
63.

He rejected the proposed map, adding that he would veto the proposed

map even if it passed the General Assembly.
64.

Legislation for a new congressional districting plan has not been

enacted.
F.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s February 7, 2018 Opinions

65.

On February 7, 2018 – 16 days into the 18 day period that the Court

afforded the General Assembly to draft a new congressional plan – the Court issued
the promised Majority Opinion (consisting of 137 pages) as well as two Dissenting
Opinions, and a Concurring and Dissenting Opinion. Copies of the Majority
Opinion, the two Dissenting Opinions and the Concurring and Dissenting Opinion
are attached hereto as Exhibits F, G, H and I, respectively.
66.

The Majority Opinion sets forth at length the factual history of the 2011

Plan’s enactment, the results of elections conducted under the Plan, the procedural
history of the Challenge, and the history of the Free and Equal Elections Clause of
Pennsylvania’s Constitution. See Exhibit F at 1-118.
67.

Notably, the Majority Opinion identified the historic use of certain

neutral criteria in connection with crafting Pennsylvania’s legislative districts, id. at
119; see generally id. at 119-122, before then concluding that even though these
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criteria are memorialized nowhere within Pennsylvania’s Constitution or legislative
scheme for use in connection with congressional districting, their use is nevertheless
mandatory:
Consequently . . . we adopt these measures as appropriate in
determining whether a congressional redistricting plan violates the Free
and Equal Elections Clause of the Pennsylvania Constitution.
Therefore, an essential part of such an inquiry is an examination of
whether the congressional districts created under the redistricting plan
are:
Composed of compact and contiguous territory; as nearly
equal in population as practicable; and which do not divide
any county, city, incorporated town, borough, township,
or ward, except where necessary to ensure equality of
population.
Id. at 123 (emphasis added).
68.

The Majority Opinion explained that “[t]hese neutral criteria provide a

‘floor’ of protection for an individual against the dilution of his or her vote in the
creation of such districts.” Id.
69.

The Majority Opinion also provided—for the first time in

Pennsylvania’s Jurisprudence—previously absent guidance concerning proper
compliance with the Free and Equal Elections Clause and these newly-established
mandatory criteria:
●

“When … it is demonstrated that, in the creation of congressional
districts, these neutral criteria have been subordinated, in whole
or in part, to extraneous considerations such as gerrymandering
for unfair partisan advantage, a congressional districting plan
21

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violates [the Free and Equal Elections Clause] of the
Pennsylvania Constitution.” Id.;
●

●

A congressional plan violates the Free and Equal Elections
Clause when it splits 28 counties and 68 municipalities. Id. at
126, 128, 130;

●

A congressional plan violates the Free and Equal Elections
Clause when its “mean-median vote gap” is 5.9% or higher (as
an acceptable range is between 0 and 4%). Id. at 128, 130; and

●

A congressional plan violates the Free and Equal Elections
Clause when its “efficiency gap” is between 15% and 24%
relative to statewide vote share. Id. at 128, 129, 130.

●

70.

“[T]his standard does not require a showing that the creators of
congressional districts intentionally subordinated these
traditional criteria to other considerations in the creation of the
district in order for it to violate [the Free and Equal Elections
Clause]; rather, it is sufficient to establish a violation of this
section to show that these traditional criteria were subordinated
to other factors.” Id. at 124;

A proportional representation requirement where “all voters
have an equal opportunity to translate their votes into
representation.” Id. at 100.

Chief Justice Saylor, within his Dissenting Opinion, articulated

profound concerns about the PCO and the Majority Opinion, concerns arising
primarily from the majority’s unilateral grafting of criteria applicable to
Pennsylvania’s legislative districts onto congressional districting in contravention of
the U.S. Constitution’s Elections Clause. See Exhibit G.
71.

Chief Justice Saylor explained that “the majority proceeds to overlay

factors delineated by the Pennsylvania Constitution in relation to state-level
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reapportionment upon congressional districting,” and that “[s]ince these
considerations are not constitutional commands applicable to congressional
districting, the majority’s approach amounts to a non-textual, judicial imposition of
a prophylactic rule.” Id. at 4; see also id. at 5 n.3 (“My concern is with the manner
in which the majority rigidifies these factors in the congressional districting
context.”); id. (“This circumstance appears particularly troublesome because,
although the state charter speaks directly to the constraints for state legislative
districts, it does not mention congressional districts at all.”).
72.

He also explained that “the majority opinion fails to sufficiently

account for the fundamental character of redistricting, its allocation under the United
States Constitution to the political branch, and the many drawbacks of
constitutionalizing a non-textual judicial rule,” Exhibit G at 7 (emphasis added),
and warned: “The consideration of whether this sort of rule should be imposed by
the judiciary upon a process committed by the federal Constitution to another branch
of government seems to me to require particular caution and restraint.” Id. at 6
(emphasis added).4

4

Chief Justice Saylor also noted the majority’s determination deviated directly
from the Court’s precedent, i.e. Erfer v. Commonwealth, 794 A.2d 325 (2002); see
also Id. at 6 n.4, 7.
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73.

Chief Justice Saylor was not alone in his concerns. Justice Mundy, too,

articulated great concerns about the PCO and the Majority Opinion within her
separate Dissenting Opinion. See Exhibit H.
74.

Justice Mundy’s concerns are grounded primarily in two areas: (a) the

majority’s violation of the Elections Clause through the imposition of mandatory
criteria found nowhere within Pennsylvania’s Constitution or statutes on
congressional districting; and (b) the extremely limited amount of time afforded the
General Assembly to remedy the situation, i.e. create and enact a substitute
districting plan. Exhibit G.
75.

With regard to the majority’s application of these mandatory criteria to

congressional districting, Justice Mundy explained: “The Majority concedes,
‘[n]either [the Free and Equal Elections Clause], nor any other provision of our
Constitution, articulates explicit standards which are to be used in the creation of
congressional districts’ . . . . Nevertheless, the Majority holds that ‘certain neutral
criteria’ are to be utilized in drawing congressional districts in this Commonwealth.”
Id. at 2 (internal citations omitted); see also id. at 3 (identifying majority’s three-part
test utilizing the newly-hatched mandatory criteria).5

5

Justice Mundy also noted her puzzlement that the majority was deviating from
the Court’s prior decision in Erfer. Id. at 2-3.
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76.

Justice Mundy also explained her “grave concerns” arising from the

majority’s remedy, id. at 3, a remedy “inconsistent with the restraints imposed by
federal law,” id. at 4 (emphasis added), and a remedy Justice Mundy explained
equated with “the Majority … bestowing the task of drawing a new Congressional
map onto itself in the face of a clear legislative alternative.” Id. (emphasis added).
77.

Justice Mundy commenced her analysis with a discussion of the U.S.

Constitution’s Elections Clause, which she explained “grants the authority to draw
a state’s congressional districts to the state legislatures, Congress, or an independent
redistricting commission.” Id. at 5 (citing Arizona State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep.
Redistricting Comm’n, 135 S. Ct. 2652, 2667-68 (2015)).
78.

Next, she explained the “truism that this Court possesses neither

legislative function, nor authority[,]” Exhibit G at 6, and that the court “may not
remedy any violations of [Pennsylvania’s] state charter in a manner that the Federal
Constitution prohibits. After all, federal law is supreme.” Id. at 6 (citing U.S. Const.
art. VI, cl. 2 (emphasis in original)).
79.

Justice Mundy dedicated the remainder of her Dissenting Opinion to

explaining why Pennsylvania Supreme Court and federal precedent weighed
strongly in favor of conducting the 2018 elections pursuant to the 2011 Plan, and
why the Court should not endeavor to craft a new map in the first instance. See
generally Exhibit G at 3-9; see id. at 3 (“I am troubled by the Majority’s decision
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to strike down the 2011 congressional map on the eve of the 2018 midterm election.
[sic] Particularly its disregard for precedent which supports deferring redistricting
until after the 2018 election.”); id. at 5 n.3 (“But it is quite another matter for this
Court to put the General Assembly on a three-week timeline without articulating the
complete criteria necessary to be constitutionally compliant.”); id. at 7 (“The [U.S.
Supreme] Court’s opinion in Growe sheds no light on whether a state court may take
on the task of drawing a federal congressional map in the first instance.”).
80.

Finally, while Justice Baer joined the majority in concluding that the

2011 Plan violated Pennsylvania Constitution’s Free and Equal Elections Clause,
within his Concurring and Dissenting Opinion he articulated his concern regarding
the majority’s “impos[ition of] court-designated criteria on the Legislature,” see
Exhibit I at 2, id. at 3 n.5, as well as his concern that:
the Court’s remedy threatens the separation of powers dictated by [the
Elections Clause] of the United States Constitution by failing to allow
our sister branches sufficient time to legislate a new congressional
districting map, potentially impinges upon the due process rights of the
parties at bar as well as other interested parties, and foments
unnecessary confusion in the current election cycle.
Id. at 3.
81.

Justice Baer first noted that the Elections Clause does not imbue courts

with legislative authority, id. at 4, and thereafter explained that because
Pennsylvania’s “Constitution is silent in regard to the criteria to be applied by the

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Legislature in establishing congressional districts for Representatives to the United
States Congress[,]” id. at 5:
I am unwilling to engraft into the Pennsylvania Constitution criteria for
the drawing of congressional districts when the framers chose not to
include such provisions despite unquestionably being aware of both the
General Assembly’s responsibility for congressional districting and the
dangers of gerrymandering. It is not this Court’s role to instruct the
Legislature as to the ‘manner of holding elections,’ including the
relative weight of districting criteria.
Id. at 5-6 (emphasis added).
82.

Justice Baer then expressed his significant concerns arising from the

remedy directed by the majority “given the substantial uncertainty, if not outright
chaos” arising from such remedy. Id. at 8.
83.

He explained that “the Legislature does not have a fair opportunity to

act ‘in the first instance’ where it has less than three weeks to develop a plan,” id.
(emphasis added), and that “[r]ather than providing the General Assembly a
reasonable opportunity to create a map and pass legislation to adopt it, the Majority
has taken steps in preparation for the ‘possible eventuality’ that the Legislature
cannot act in this compressed time frame.” Id. at 9; see also id. at 8-9 (explaining
why less than three weeks is not reasonable), id. at 10 (“[T]his Court has provided
the Legislature three weeks from the initial order to produce a new map. In my view,
this does not constitute a reasonable time for the Legislature to act.”).

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84.

And he explained that “the unambiguous grant of redistricting authority

to the state legislature under [the Elections Clause] of the Federal Constitution
mandates judicial restraint to allow a legislature a reasonable period of time, which
should be measured in months rather than weeks, to redistrict following a
determination of unconstitutionality by a court, which preferably would provide the
legislative bodies a clear understanding of the nature of the original plan’s
unconstitutionality.” Id. at 9; see also id. at 9-10 (explaining why the 2018 elections
could and should be conducted under the 2011 Plan).
85.

Additionally, Justice Baer explained the grave “constitutionally-

mandated due process”, id. at 11, concerns arising from “the Court’s procedure for
drawing the map should the Legislature and Governor fail to produce one by the
dates set forth in the January 22nd Order …” Id. at 10; see generally id. at 10-12
(detailing concerns); id. at 12 (“The litigation and resulting confusion that has
ensued since the release of the January 22nd Order confirm my initial concerns.”).
G.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s February 19, 2018
Congressional Districting Plan

86.

On February 19, 2018, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court issued a

congressional districting plan, ordering that it be used for use in the upcoming
primary and general elections (the “Court Drawn Plan”). A copy of the Court Drawn
Plan is attached hereto as Exhibit J.

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87.

Astoundingly, the Court Drawn Plan does not appear to comply with

the PCO or the Majority Opinion.
88.

Far from being free of politics, it appears that every choice made in the

Court Drawn Plan was to pack Republicans into as few districts as possible, while
advantaging Democrats.
89.

For example, this graphic from Nate Cohn, a professional political

analyst, helps to illustrate this point:

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90.

Similarly, political analyst David Wasserman of the Cook Political

Report explained:

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91.

Below are three additional graphics showing a similar analysis using6:
 2016 Presidential data only, Figure 1, 2008 – 2010 statewide
election data, Figure 2, and 2012, 2014 and 2016 election data,
Figure 3.

The arrows on the maps indicate those areas that are most egregiously altered in
order to overcome Republicans’ natural geographic political advantage for the
benefit of Democrats.
6

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Figure 1: Pennsylvania 2016 Presidential Votes Only.

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Figure 2: 2008 – 2010 Statewide Election Data

33

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Figure 3: 2012, 2014 and 2016 Election Data.

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92.

The Defendants in this case are now charged with implementing a

Congressional districting plan developed in violation of the U.S. Constitution.
COUNT I
Violation of the Elections Clause -- Usurpation of Legislative Authority
93.

Plaintiffs incorporate the foregoing paragraphs as if fully set forth

herein.
94.

The U.S. Constitution’s Elections Clause provides that “[t]he Times,

Places and Manner” of congressional elections “shall be prescribed in each State by
the Legislature thereof” unless “Congress” should “make or alter such Regulations.”
U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1.
95.

The U.S. Supreme Court has consistently held “that redistricting is a

legislative function, to be performed in accordance with the State’s prescriptions for
lawmaking.” Arizona State Leg., 135 S. Ct. at 2668.
96.

The state legislature of Pennsylvania is the General Assembly, which

is comprised of two chambers: the House of Representatives and the Senate.
97.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court does not exercise a legislative

function when it decides cases. See Watson v. Witkin, 22 A.2d 17, 23 (Pa. 1941); see
also Agre v. Wolf, No. CV 17-4392, 2018 WL 351603 (E.D. Pa. Jan. 10, 2018)
Smith, CJ,) (detailing the Elections Clause, including its origins and history, and
ultimately concluded that it proscribed judicial legislation of this nature).

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98.

Through the PCO and the Majority Opinion, the Pennsylvania Supreme

Court has legislated criteria the Pennsylvania General Assembly must satisfy when
drawing a congressional districting plan, i.e. contiguity, compactness and limitation
of political subdivision splits, see Exhibits B and F, and seized upon these very
criteria in invalidating the 2011 Plan.
99.

These standards amount to mandatory redistricting criteria found

nowhere within Pennsylvania’s Constitution or legislative scheme.
100. No Pennsylvania legislative process—not the General Assembly itself,
not a constitutional convention, not a referendum, not even an administrative agency
with delegated rulemaking authority—adopted or ratified these legislative criteria
newly-adopted by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.
101. Indeed, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court has previously confirmed that,
in the “context of Congressional reapportionment,” there are “no analogous, direct
textual references to such neutral apportionment criteria.” Erfer, 794 A.2d at 334
n.4 (emphasis added).
102. Moreover, the PCO establishes that the Court would assume
supervisory authority over the General Assembly because even if the General
Assembly and the Governor enacted a new congressional districting plan, the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court reserved for itself the right to strike that plan—thereby
only further injecting itself into the legislative process. See Exhibit F.
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103. For these reasons, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court has impermissibly
usurped the Election Clause’s express grant of exclusive authority to the General
Assembly (and the people of Pennsylvania) – as noted by multiple Justices of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court.
COUNT II
Violation of the Elections Clause -- Failing to Afford the General Assembly an
Adequate Opportunity to Enact a Remedial Plan
104. Plaintiffs incorporate the foregoing paragraphs as if fully set forth
herein.
105. The United States Supreme Court has held that “[i]n fashioning a
reapportionment plan or in choosing among plans,” a court “should not pre-empt the
legislative task nor ‘intrude upon state policy any more than necessary.’” Upham v.
Seamon, 102 S. Ct. at 1521 (internal citations omitted).
106. Thus, before assuming the legislature’s role and implementing a
reapportionment plan, a court is required to initially provide the legislature with an
“adequate opportunity to” draft a plan. Id.
107. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court provided the General Assembly with
only 18 days (14 business days) to pass new congressional districting legislation.
See Exhibit B.

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108. Moreover, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court did not issue its Majority
Opinion – and the guidance contained therein as to the parameters it would use to
adjudicate constitutionality – until February 7, 2018. See Exhibit F.
109. As a result, the General Assembly did not know the criteria that any
new Congressional districting plan would have to satisfy to be constitutional until
only 2 days before the General Assembly was required to pass legislation containing
that plan.
110. As described above, passage of legislation through both chambers of
the Pennsylvania General Assembly requires that several steps be satisfied, steps
which would be impossible to complete given the Court’s actions.
111. Because the Majority Opinion describing the constitutional deficiencies
in the 2011 Plan was issued only two days before the deadline imposed by the PCO
for the passage of remedial legislation, it was impossible for the General Assembly
to pass legislation that simultaneously: (A) accounted for and incorporated the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s analysis; (B) complied with the PCO and Majority
Opinion; and (C) satisfied the Pennsylvania Constitution’s requirement that
legislation be considered on three separate days prior to its enactment. See Pa. Const.
art. III, § 4 (“Every bill shall be considered on three different days in each House.”).

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112. While Legislative Respondents made every effort to pass remedial
legislation, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court did not provide an adequate
opportunity for them to do so.
113. In addition to leaving insufficient time to properly enact legislation, the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s actions also eliminated any opportunity for
Pennsylvania’s legislative process to properly run its course by leaving insufficient
time for any proposed legislation to be vetoed by the Governor and overridden by
the General Assembly.
114. As a result, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, through the PCO and
otherwise, violated the Elections Clause – as noted by multiple Justices of the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court, who dissented from the Court’s imposition of a
judicial map. Copies of the Dissenting Opinions are attached hereto as Exhibits K,
L and M, respectively.
115. For instance, Justice Baer “conclude[d] that the compressed schedule
failed to provide a reasonable opportunity for the General Assembly to legislate a
new map in compliance with the federal Constitution’s delegation of redistricting
authority to state legislatures.” Exhibit M, at 2 (citing U.S. Const. art. I, § 4).
116. Justice Mundy noted her continued objection to the PCO and the
ensuing chaos, writing “I cannot agree that the Legislature was afforded the time

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necessary to accomplish the immense task of redistricting in accordance with the
criteria imposed by this Court.” Exhibit L, at 2.
117. And Chief Justice Saylor wrote that “the displacement to the judiciary
of the political responsibility for redistricting -- which is assigned to the General
Assembly by the United States Constitution -- appears to me to be unprecedented.”
Exhibit K, at 2 (Emphasis added)
PRAYER FOR RELIEF
WHEREFORE, Plaintiffs respectfully request that this Court render a
judgment in their favor and grant the following relief:
(1)

Enjoining

Defendants

from

implementing

any

congressional

redistricting scheme arising from the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s
Court Drawn Plan;
(2)

Ordering Defendants to conduct the 2018 primary and general
Congressional elections in full accordance with the 2011 Plan; and

(3)

Granting such other and further relief as this Court deems just and
proper.

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Respectfully submitted,
/s/Brian S. Paszamant
Brian S. Paszamant (PA 78410)
Jason A. Snyderman (PA 80239)
BLANK ROME LLP
One Logan Square
130 N. 18th Street
Philadelphia, PA 19103
Ph: [phone]
Fax: [phone]
Email: [e-mail]
[e-mail]

Matthew H. Haverstick
(PA 85072)
Mark E. Seiberling (PA 91256)
Paul G. Gagne (PA 42009)
Shohin H. Vance (PA 323551)
KLEINBARD LLC
One Liberty Place, 46th Floor
1650 Market Street
Philadelphia, PA 19103
Ph: [phone]
Email: [e-mail]
[e-mail]
[e-mail]
[e-mail]

Jason Torchinsky (pro hac vice
application pending)
Shawn Sheehy (pro hac vice
application pending)
HOLTZMAN VOGEL JOSEFIAK
TORCHINSKY PLLC
45 North Hill Drive, Suite 100
Warrenton, VA 20186
Ph: [phone]
Fax: [phone]
Email: [e-mail]
[e-mail]

Joshua J. Voss (PA 306853)
KLEINBARD LLC
115 State Street, 2nd Floor
Harrisburg, PA 17101
Ph: [phone]
Fax: [phone]
Email: [e-mail]
Counsel for Federal Plaintiffs

Counsel for State Plaintiffs

Dated: February 22, 2018

41

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VERIFICATION
I, Jacob Corman, on behalf of Plaintiffs in this matter, do hereby verify that
the facts and information set forth in the foregoing Complaint are true and correct
to the best of my knowledge, information and belief. I understand that false
statements made herein are subject to the penalties of 28 U.S.C. § 1746 relating to
unsworn declarations to authorities.

Dated:

j

Case 1:18-cv-00443-CCC Document 1 Filed 02/22/18 Page 43 of 44

VERIFICATION
I, Michael Folmer, on behalf of Plaintiffs in this matter, do hereby verify
that the facts and information set forth in the foregoing Complaint are true and
correct to the best of my knowledge, infonnation and belief. I understand that
false statements made herein are subject to the penalties of 28 U.S.C. § 1746
relating to unsworn declarations to authoritie:

Dated:

/,

icfhael Folmer

Case 1:18-cv-00443-CCC Document 1 Filed 02/22/18 Page 44 of 44

VERIFICATION
I, Ryan Costello, on behalf of Plaintiffs in this matter, do hereby verify that
the facts and information set forth in the foregoing Complaint are true and correct to
the best of my knowledge, information and belief. I understand that false statements
made herein are subject to the penalties of 28 U.S.C. § 1746 relating to unsworn de
clarations to authorities.